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Jcal. I- K V."» 



Thomas Hazard son of Rob^ 

call'd 

COLLEGE TOM 



A STUDY OF LIFE IN NARRAGANSETT 
IN THE XVIIITH CENTURY 



BY HIS grandson's GRANDDAUGHTER 

CAROLINE HAZARD 




0? 



^^ 



BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 

1893 



•Vs 18 1893 . 






Copyright, 1893, 
By CAROLINE HAZARD. 

All rights reserved. 



The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass. , U. S.A. 
Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Co. 



To 



R. AND M. R. H. 

WHO IN THIS CENTURY AND IN THE SAME NARRAGANSETT, 
FILL THE HONORED PLACES OF 

THOMAS AND ELIZABETH HAZARD, 

THIS BOOK IS INSCRIBED BY THEIR 
LOVING DAUGHTER. 



^Ca^^^^A'^^'^^^ 






PREFACE. 



The year following my grandfather's 
death, in 1889, after his papers had been 
sorted and classified, I began to work 
among them, hoping to arrange a memoir. 
I soon saw that I should have to begin with 
his grandfather, and was led still further 
back to the grandfather of his grandfather. 
As I worked, the life of the last century 
cast a spell over the present, and what I 
had undertaken as a chapter has developed 
into this volume. 

My thanks are especially due to two 
Friends, William H. Perry, the clerk of the 
Meeting, whose friendship for my grand 
parents led him to give me access to 
the South Kingstown " Monthly Meeting 
Records," which have never before been 
examined for historical purposes ; and 
Samuel Austin, a descendant of College 



vi PREFACE 

Tom's contemporary, who searched the 
Rhode Island "Yearly Meeting Records" 
for me. Besides these I owe valuable sug- 
gestions to Mrs. Caroline E. Robinson, 
whose researches in the South Kingstown 
Records I hope may soon be published. 

The details here presented may seem 
trifling — the accounts of household con- 
cerns and neighborhood transactions ; and 
so they are if they do not inspire a greater 
reverence for the body which is " more 
than raiment," and the life which is " more 
than meat." The problems of that day 
were different from ours, but the courage 
required to face them was the same. The 
men in their homespun and the women in 
their "camblit" cloaks lived and loved much 
as we do. And so this little bit of the old 
life makes a link in the unending chain of 
life, — that life which is constantly aspiring, 
ever seeking its divine source. 

C. H. 

Oakwoods in Peace Dale, R. I. 
October 9, 1893. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 

CHAPTER I. Upon the Narragansett Coun- 
try AND THE First Settlers in it ... . i 

CHAPTER II. The Early Life of College 
Tom, and his Marriage 27 

CHAPTER III. Upon Slavery in Narragan- 
sett, AND College Tom's Opposition to it . 42 

CHAPTER IV. The Account Book of Thomas 
Hazard Son of Robert, called College 
Tom, with some Mention of Horses ... 56 

CHAPTER V. Upon Cows, and the Products 
of the Dairy 76 

CHAPTER VI. A Pastoral, introducing Spin- 
ners AND Weavers 91 

CHAPTER VII. Upon Corn, and Husbandry 
IN General 109 

CHAPTER VIII. A Woman's Chapter, with 
SOME Gossip 125 

CHAPTER IX. Upon the Evils of a Depre- 
ciated Currency, and the Disorders it 
engenders • 143 

CHAPTER X. The South Kingstown Monthly 
Meeting and the Abolition of Slavery in 
Rhode Island 159 

CHAPTER XL Upon the Revolution, and the 
Closing Days of College Tom's Life . . 190 

APPENDIX. 

L Mr. Samuell Sewall's Deed, 1698 . . . .217 
II. Receipt for Rent from Mr. Brenton, 1702 .222 



viii CONTENTS 

III. Letter from Judge Sewall to Thomas 

Hazard, 1716 223 

IV. Opinion of the King's Attorney Gen- 
eral IN REGARD TO A QuAKER GOV- 
ERNOR, 1734 224 

V. Attestation of Thomas Foxcroft and 

Charles Chauncy, 1735 226 

VI. Will of Thomas Hazard, 1746 .... 230 
VII. A Copy of a Letter from Quebeck, 

1747 237 

VIII. Susquehannah Company Receipts, 1754- 

1768 244 

IX. An Apprenticeship Paper, 1768 .... 246 
X. A Lease from Stephen Champlin, 1772. 248 
XI. Manuscript in the Hand of Thomas 

Hazard Son of Robert, 1772 . . . 250 
XII. Letter from Matthew Griswold to 

Governor Wanton, 1773 252 

XIII. Copy of a Minute from Quarterly 

Meeting, 1775 253 

XIV. Copy of a Minute of a Meeting for 

Sufferings, 1776 254 

XV. Release of Guardianship, 1776. . . . 255 
XVI. Constitution of the Providence So- 
ciety for abolishing the Slave 

Trade 256 

XVII. Will of Thomas Hazard Son of Rob- 
ert, 1793 260 

XVIII. Rhode Island Currency 264 

Sundry Prices and Various Entries taken from 
the Account Book of Thomas Hazard Son 

of Robert, i 750-1 784 266 

Contracts for Labour, i 757-1 795 308 

Record of Births, 1747-17S1 314 

A Regestor of Death's, 1732-1773 S^S 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page 

Map of Pettaquamscut Purchase . Frontispiece 

Signatures of Thomas and Elizabeth Hazard . . iv 

Receipt of Rent 26 

Letter from William Robinson 38 

The Spanish Mill'd Dollar 61 

Four-Dollar Bill 108 

A Typical Order 124 

Susquehannah Company Receipt .... 144 
Eight-Dollar Bill 158 



COLLEGE TOM. 

CHAPTER I. 

The Physical Features of Narragansett, Its Disputed 
Boundaries. Roger Williams' Entr>Mnto the Country. 
The Pettaquamscut Purchase. The Atherton Company. 
The King's Province. George Fox preaches there. 
The Great Swamp Fight. Kingstown incorporated. 
Robert Hazard the First of the Narragansett Hazards. 
His Father in Portsmouth. His Son Thomas. The 
Sewall Deeds. Judge Sewall. Point Judith. Other 
Purchases by Thomas Hazard. His Will. Changes m 
Narragansett. 

The development of small and isolated 
communities has long furnished a fascinat- 
ino- theme for the historian and the poet. 
The scope afforded for original personality 
is great, and the tendency to follow a natural 
leader most strongly marked in a society so 
closely bound together. These two oppos- 
ing forces working against each other com- 
bine to foster the growth of strong individ- 
uality. When a community is entirely self 
sustaining in material things, and indepen- 
dent in intellectual, the old saying might 



2 COLLEGE TOM 

be paraphrased to read " in limitation is 
strength." Especially was this true in a 
new country, where the resources of men 
were taxed to their utmost ; and of no part 
of the new world was this more true 
than of Rhode Island, and that part of 
Rhode Island called the Narragansett coun- 
try. Not from choice, but from dire neces- 
sity was Providence planted in the wilder- 
ness. To it came not the men Roger 
Williams would have chosen, but men like 
himself in peril of their lives from the self- 
righteous neighbor which shook off what 
was considered their polluting presence. 
No common idea bound them together, and 
though Roger Williams by his force and 
beauty of character long maintained his 
natural leadership, it was often a difficult 
matter. Portsmouth and Newport in the 
same way were founded by exiles, who soon 
quarreled among themselves, and the town 
of Warwick resulted from forcibly deporting 
some of the turbulent spirits from the Island. 
As the tide of immigration to Rhode Island 
came not by sea but from the north, the 
southern portion, the country of the Narra- 
gansetts, was naturally the last to be opened 
to white settlers. As early as 1634, Governor 



THE NARRAGANSETT COUNTRY 3 

Winthrop describes it. " The country on the 
west of the bay of Narragansett," he writes, 
" is all champain for many miles, but very 
stony and full of Indians."^ Except that the 
Indians are gone, this is a true description 
to this day. Now we speak of South Kings- 
town as the Narragansett country, but in 
the old days when the Narragansetts were 
a powerful tribe their special territory was 
bounded on the north by the Cowesits and 
Shawomuts, bordering on Greenwich Bay, 
and on the west by the formidable Pequots.^ 
The long finger of Point Judith stretches 
far out into the sea, giving a long line of 
coast, part of it bold and rocky, where the 
great sea-bass are still caught, and part with 
beaches and shallow ponds full of clams and 
oysters. It is a small bit of country, " this 
little corner," as Dr. McSparran called it, 
watered by several good streams. The 
Pettaquamscut flows from a charming lake, 
not above tide water, and separates the 
fertile lands of Boston Neck from Tower 
Hill. Then comes the Saugatucket, which 
takes the westerly water-shed of the ridge 

1 Quoted in Potter, Early History of Narragatisett, 
p. 1 6. 

2 Ibid., pp. I and 3. 



4 (.OJJJJjK 70M 

of bills, with their glacial scratches and 
granite }x»ulder>j, which make the backbone 
of Khfxie Island. J^'arther west still, be- 
yond the crest of IJttle Rest liill, flows the 
Chepuxet into Worden's Pond, along the 
borders of which lies the C^reat Swamp, 
and issues from it the Pawcatuck, the little 
river which figured prominently in the Eng- 
lish courts.* All this land was granted by 
a liberal king to two colonies, Connecti- 
cut and Rhode Island ; for, \)t. McSj^arran 
justly observes, "as the geography of this 
country was hardly emerged into any tol- 
erable light, instead of ascertaining their 
limits on earth they fixed their boundaries 
in the heavens."*'^ If the Pawcatuck, as the 
Rhode Island men held, was the stream 
called Narragansett River, it marked the 
boundary of Connecticut ; if, on the contrary, 
the bay was meant by that name, the whole 
country was lost to Rliode Island. 

Into this well watered land, with its forests, 
and "full of Indians," Roger Williams pen- 
etrated some time before 1650,^ and here the 
persecuted man found a warm welcome. Me 

' J'<vH«rr, J;nrly J/ntoty oj Nnrra^^anntitt, \i. 234, 

» Updikt;, Jliitory of the Narra}>nniett Church, \h 500. 

• Poller, I'.arly Jliilory 0/ N'lrra^^uHittt, J>. 4^ 



THE PETTAQUAMSCUT PURCHASE 5 

renders thanks " to the Most High who stirred 
up the barbarous heart of Cononicus to love 
me as his son to his last gasp."^ Here he 
went to see the little island called Nahi- 
gansett, " and about the place called Sugar 
Loaf Hill I saw it," he writes, "and was 
within a pole of it, but could not learn 
why it was called Nahigansett." ' Richard 
Smith had built a trading-house near Wick- 
ford, a few years before, and soon took con- 
trol of the more southerly station which 
Roger Williams established. But little pro- 
gress was made toward opening the coun- 
try for settlement until the two great pur- 
chases, the first in 1657 by John Hull, the 
goldsmith of Boston, and his associates, 
called the Pettaquamscut purchase,'^ and 
the second by the Humphrey Atherton 
Company in 1659.' The Pettaquamscut 
purchases extended over a period of several 
years, and were made with the consent of 
the colonies, while the Atherton Company, 
Potter declares, bought their land " in con- 
travention of an express law of the colony,"^ 
and, therefore, could not be recognized 

1 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 4- 

2 Ibid. ^ ^^"^•' P- -75- 
* Ibid., p. 58. ^ Ibid., p. 59- 



6 COLLEGE TOM 

by the government. The two purchases 
covered portions of the same land, and end- 
less strife resulted. Of the seven Petta- 
quamscut purchasers all except John Hull 
were settlers in Rhode Island. Wilson and 
Mumford were actually in the Narragan- 
sett country, and others came, or were in 
Newport, near by. The Atherton Company 
seems to have been the speculation of 
absentee landlords. The younger Win- 
throp of Connecticut was one of its rul- 
ing spirits. Bradstreet, the Stantons, and 
Smiths were of the company. A recent 
writer thinks scant justice has been done 
these pioneers, whom the Pettaquamscut men 
regarded as such intruders, but he says they 
were all "anti-Rhode-Islanders in spirit."^ 
Members of this company at this early day 
declare that Rhode Island is " a rodde to 
those that love to live in order, — a road, 
refuge, asylum to evil livers. The public 
rolls record what malefactors, what capital 
offenders, have found it their unhallowed 
sanctuary." ^ And, indeed, from the Connec- 
ticut point of view this was quite true, for the 

^ Dr. Edward Channing, The Narragansett Planters, 

P- 13- 
2 Ibid. 



CONFLICTING CLAIMS / 

founders of the three towns, Roger Williams 
at Providence, Mrs. Hutchinson and her 
associates at Portsmouth, and Samuel Gor- 
ton at Warwick, were all " capital offend- 
ers." In contrast to this Williams nobly ex- 
pressed what came to be the ideal Rhode 
Island spirit, when he replied to the demand 
of Massachusetts to banish Quakers : " We 
have no law amongst us whereby to punish 
any for only declaring by words their minds 
and understanding concerning the things 
and ways of God as to salvation and our 
eternal condition." ^ 

Both companies undoubtedly expected 
large results from their land scheme. The 
Pettaquamscut purchasers bought their first 
large tract of land from the Indians for 
sixteen pounds and other considerations.^ 
How much the Indians understood of it all 
is very uncertain ; especially of the terms of 
mortgage, which they did not fulfill. They 
were stirred to opposition, and in 1662 
made a protest to the pretended " title to 
Point Jude and other lands adjoining."^ 
The Pettaquamscut purchasers, holding 

^ Fiske, Beginnings of New England, p. 184. 
2 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 275. 
' Ibid., p, 277. 



8 COLLEGE TOM 

under Rhode Island law, were bound to 
support the royal charter of 1643, giving 
the land to Rhode Island ; while the Ather- 
ton Company maintained the validity of the 
grant of 1631 confirmed in 1662, to the Earl 
of Warwick, by which Connecticut claimed 
it.-^ So hot did the dispute become that 
two years later the King's commissioners 
appointed to settle it summarily took the 
country from both colonies claiming it, and 
erected it into a separate government 
called the King's Province.^ After 1666 
the Governor and assistants of Rhode 
Island took the place of its own officers, 
which for two years had been appointed by 
the Crown. All this dissension naturally 
prevented the rapid growth of the country. 
A few years later the General Assembly at 
Newport (1672) appointed four commission- 
ers " to goe over to Narragansett and to take 
view of such places there and there about 
that are fit for plantations." They were in- 
structed to inform the English and Indians 
that " the Collony doth intend such lands 
shall be improved by peoplinge the same. " ^ 

1 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 62. 

2 Ibid., p. 69. 

a R. L C. R., vol. ii. p. S7. 



GEORGE FOX 9 

So Rhode Island was taking the matter 
into her own hands. Instead of sending 
" assistants " to the General Assembly the 
Court of General Assembly went to Narra- 
o-ansett. On a May day in 167 1 Governor 
Nicholas Easton, and the other officers of 
the Colony, met at the house of Mr. Jireh 
Bull in Pettaquamscut. A courier was dis- 
patched through the country "to warne 
the inhabitants of this Plantation to attend 
to-morrow morning at six of the clock," ^ 
when among other business transacted Mr. 
Bull himself, Mr. Samuel Wilson, and Mr. 
William Hefernan were chosen justices.- 

To this house in 1672, the following 
year, came a very different embassy. The 
Governor was the same and came again from 
Newport, but with him came a greater than 
his justices, George Fox, the saintly apostle 
of the Inner Light. Fox himself describes 
the meeting, which seems to have taken 
place at the Bull house, known to have 
been large and a usual place of assembly. 

" We had a meeting at a justice's, " he 
writes, " where Friends never had any before. 
The meeting was very large, for the country 

1 R. I. C. R., vol. ii. p. 39- 

2 Idic^. 



lO COLLEGE TOM 

generally came in ; and people from Connect- 
icut and other parts round about. There 
were four justices of the peace. Most of 
these people were such as had never heard 
Friends before ; but they were mightily 
affected, and a great desire is there after 
the truth amongst them. So that meeting 
was of very good service, blessed be the 
Lord for ever ! " ^ He was asked to come 
again, but says he " was clear of those 
parts." However, he " laid this place before " 
two of his companions, John Burnyeate 
and John Cartwright, who "felt drawings 
thither, and went to visit them." So the 
meeting which had so much influence in 
Narragansett was established. The house 
itself in which the gospel of peace was 
preached by this saintly man had a tragic 
fate. It stood on the crest of a hill, now 
called Tower Hill, to guard against surprise, 
for the country was still full of Indians, and 
Indians exasperated by ill usage. King 
Philip's war was already brewing when the 
saintly man was there. One December 
night in 1675 the house was attacked, set 
on fire, and two men and five women and 
children killed. The news of this outrage 

^ Fox, Journal, 1672. 



THE GREAT SWAMP FIGHT II 

reached the army at Warwick on the eight- 
eenth or nineteenth, and in hot haste they 
started for vengeance. The Indians were 
found strongly encamped on the shores of 
the Great Pond, and the dreadful slaughter 
of the Great Swamp Fight followed. It 
seems an especial irony of fate that the 
destruction of the house from which the 
purest gospel of peace and long-suffering 
had first been preached, should have been 
the actual incitement to one of the most 
bloody of the Indian battles. 

Such was the state of the country; un- 
safe as to Indians, uncertain as to title of 
lands, — for the conflicting claims of the two 
purchases were not settled until 1679,^ — and 
unstable as to government. In 1674 Kings- 
town was incorporated for the amiable rea- 
son of " obstructing Connecticut from using 
jurisdiction in the Narragansett country." 
They must be strong men who could 
maintain themselves in such a disorgan- 
ized society. Each man was a law to him- 
self, and it is small wonder that Narragan- 
sett developed men of great individuality 
and pronounced character. 

1 Dr. Edward Channing, The Narragansett Planters, 
p. 14. 



12 COLLEGE TOM 

Here it was that Robert Hazard took up 
his abode. In 1671 he bought five hundred 
acres from the Pettaquamscut purchasers, 
bounded north by the road, east by the Saka- 
tucket," a tract of land lying between Kings- 
ton and Rose Hill. He had come from 
England with his father, and is said to have 
been four years old when the latter joined 
in founding the town of Newport in 1638. 
Who this first Thomas Hazard was no one 
knows. The times were troublous in the 
Mother-country, as well as in New England. 
The Hassards, or Hassarts, took an active 
part in the siege of Londonderry, having 
gone to Ireland from Nottinghamshire,^ and 
T. R. Hazard thinks the American adven- 
turer was a brother of Robert Hazard of 
Enniskillen, who died in 1668. However 
this may be, he came from Boston, where 
he was admitted freeman in 1636, to Ports- 
mouth, very possibly with Mrs. Hutchinson. 
On the Island, trouble had already begun 
on account of the diversity of religious 
belief. Samuel Gorton, that " proud and 
pestilent seducer," as he was termed in the 
language of the day, with his preaching of 

1 J. Hassard-Short, History and Lineage of the Hassards^ 
p. 20. 



THOMAS HAZARD OF PORTSMOUTH 1 3 

private inspiration and " mystical rubbish," ^ 
as Mr. Fiske calls it, arrived in Aquidneck 
in 1638, sowing dissension among Mrs. 
Hutchinson's followers ; and on the twenty- 
eighth day of the second month, 1639, 
Thomas Hazard was an Elder in the new 
government, which, under William Cod- 
dington as judge, agreed " to Propagate 
a Plantation in the midst of the Island or 
elsewhere." Mr. John Clarke, Mr. Jeffreys, 
Thomas Hazard, and William Dyre were 
ordered to lay out the " meadow growndes 
lying within the circuit of Newport " and 
" to proportion it forth dewlie."^ 

The Portsmouth records give a few scant 
details of the life of this first Rhode Island 
Hazard. He had two daughters, and in 
1658 gave thirty-four acres of land as dowry 
for his daughter Hannah. In 1675 he filed 
a paper disclaiming any interest in the 
property of the widow Martha Sheriffe,^ 
whom he was about to marry, and in his 
will made the following year cuts off his 
son and daughters with a shilling each, and 
leaves his wife all his property.^ Robert, 

1 John Fiske, Beginnings of New England, pp. 163-7. 

2 R. I. C. R., vol. i. p. ^7. 

s Records of Portstnotith, tr?inscY\hQ.6i by Barclay Hazard 
in T. R. Hazard's Recollections of Olden Times, p. 103. 
* Ibid., p. 106. 



14 COLLEGE TOM 

the son, was by this time settled in Narra- 
gansett, where he surveyed and divided the 
land around Kingston, and is called Rob- 
ert Hazard, Surveyor.^ In 1693 ^'^^ signed 
first of the witnesses to the signatures of 
the seven purchasers to a paper respecting 
the allotment of land.^ He left five sons, the 
eldest named Thomas after his grandfather, 
a custom which was continued for seven 
generations, each eldest son of an eldest 
son being named after his grandfather, 
making a succession of alternate Thomas 
and Robert Hazards. At first blush this 
would seem to lighten the labors of the 
student of heredity, but unfortunately for 
his research, Robert Hazard had not only 
Thomas for eldest son, but a Robert for 
third son. His second son Georsre had an 
eldest son Robert, and also a son Thomas. 
Though the family rule was adhered to, 
each son, with characteristic individuality, 
founded a family of his own, using the 
names of the older branch whenever he 
chose. By the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury there were in this way some thirty 
Thomas Hazards, of various degrees of 

^ Potter's Early History of Narragansett, p. 290. 
2 Ibid., p. 283. 



THOMAS HAZARD OF BOSTON NECK 15 

kinship, all calling each other "loving 
cousin," and distinguished by some nick- 
name. Updike gives a list of fourteen, 
headed with College Tom.^ Bedford Tom, 
Nailer Tom, Fiddle-head Tom, Pistol Tom, 
Short Stephen's Tom, are some of the 
names given in commemoration of some 
event in their lives, or some personal 
characteristic. 

Thomas Hazard, the eldest son of this 
first Narragansett Robert, became a great 
land-holder. He is described as " of Boston 
Neck in the King's Province or Narragan- 
sett Country, yeoman," when on the twenty- 
eighth of April, 1698, he bought about a 
thousand acres of land from " Samuel Sew- 
all of Boston, in the county of Suffolk, 
within the Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay, in New England, Esquire."^ The pur- 
chase included land on the Saugatucket, 
probably the site of the village of Peace Dale, 
land on the Pettaquamscut, and other lands 
in the Pettaquamscut purchase " lying by 
the sea side there." In 17 10 he bought 
more land of the same Samuel Sewall, and 
Hannah his wife, who sign the second 

1 History of the Narragansett Church, p. 247. 

2 See Appendix, The Sewall Deed. 



l6 COLLEGE TOM 

deed as firmly as the fine parchment twelve 
years earlier. This second purchase in- 
cluded land lying on the west shore of the 
Great Pond and various tracts of both 
" Upland and Marsh," with sedge rights in 
Pettaquamscut cove, which were carefully 
bequeathed by will. 

Both the Sewall deeds are beautifully en- 
grossed, — the first upon parchment, the 
second upon heavy paper. The first is a 
true " Indenture," the graceful curves in 
which the top of the deed is cut fitting into 
the record which was retained by the town 
clerk. The first deed was acknowledged 
before John Walley, " one of the members of 
his Majesty's council for the Province of 
the Massachusetts Bay." This was Sewall's 
friend, to whom reference is made in the 
letter of 1689, in which he is entreated by 
Sewall " to act on my behalf as you would 
do for yourself were the case your own as it 
is mine."^ In 1692 he was Sewall's attor- 
ney at a meeting of the Pettaquamscut 
Purchasers," perhaps in compliance with this 
request. He was one of the founders of 
Bristol, on the east side of the Bay, and a 

* See Appendix, Letter from Judge Sewall. 

* Potter, Early History of Narragansett., p. 281. 



JUDGE SEW ALL I? 

man of most liberal mind and high charac- 
ter.' 

Dame Hannah Sewall, who signs also, 
was the daughter of the Mint-Master John 
Hull, about whom the delightful story is 
told, that on her wedding day her father 
put her in one side of the great scales, and 
fairly weighed her down with pine-tree shil- 
lings as her dowry.^ 

Judge Sewall himself was born in Eng- 
land in 1652, and came to Massachusetts 
in 1 66 1. He was the famous witch judge, 
more famous for the nobility of his confes- 
sion of penitence for his share in that dread- 
ful delusion than for the error he was led 
into. He is the typical Puritan of the time, 
and with his liberal mind and true piety had 
much to do in shaping the new province. 

With the religious zeal of the day, three 
hundred acres were set aside in 1668 "to be 
laid out and forever set apart as an encour- 
agement, the income or improvement thereof 
wholly for an Orthodox person that shall be 
obtained to preach God's word to the In- 

1 J. L. Diman, Orations and Essays, " The Settlement 
of Mt. Hope." 

^ Hawthorne, "The Pine-Tree Shillings," in Gratid- 
father's Chair. 



1 8 COLLEGE TOM 

habitants."^ In 1695 Judge Sewall gave 
land to establish a school,^ a foundation 
which still exists, and is known as the Sew- 
all School, held regularly at Kingston. He 
also eave land, the income of which was to 
educate youths at Harvard College, " espe- 
cially such as shall be sent from Pettaquam- 
scutt aforesaid, English or Indians." Thus 
early was provision made for the higher edu- 
cation of the Indians ; they were also spe- 
cially mentioned in the provision for the 
school. It was he who was among the first 
to raise his voice for the slave. " These 
Ethiopians as black as they are ; seeing they 
are the Sons and Daughters of the first 
Adam, the Brethren and Sisters of the last 
Adam, and the offspring of God; They 
ought to be treated with a Respect agree- 
able."^ It was with such a man of liberal 
mind and true piety, but withal a man keen 
at a bargain, that Thomas Hazard had deal- 
ings. The deeds are drawn and signed in 
Boston, so he must have made that journey, 
— probably by the old Pequot trail, which 
afterward became the high road, — at least 

^ Potter, Early History of Narraganscit, p. 278. 

2 Ibid. 

3 5 Mass. H. C. vi. 16. Quoted by W. B. Weeden. 



POINT JUDITH 19 

on these two occasions. The diary of Judge 
Sewall is very exact as to his expenses and 
bargaining, and these long and cumbersome 
deeds doubtless necessitated many a conver- 
sation. The money was paid in two install- 
ments on the first purchase, five hundred 
pounds current money of New England 
were paid down, and the remaining two 
hundred left on mortgage. The colonies 
were already in difficulties over their money. 
One third discount from " Country pay " 
for money was a usual rate in Massachu- 
setts after 1680.^ The first paper money 
was issued by that colony in 1690," and all 
the colonies were in a similar case, so that 
the "pound current of New England" had 
already depreciated from a gold standard. 

Land was rented in the English way 
from Lady Day to Lady Day, and there 
are deeds of other lands, — one in 1722 "of 
a certain place called Point Juda and Pet- 
taquamscutt purchase," which in the next 
year is given to the eldest son, and called 
" the point Judah neck." It is curious to 
observe the transitions of this name. The 
local name is Pint Judy pint^ with the ac- 

^ 'W&e.den, Economic ajid Social Histoiy of N. £"., p. 327. 
2 Ibid., p. 330. 



20 COLLEGE TOM 

cent thrown strongly on the second pint in 
South County speech. The story is told of 
a vessel sailing in the fog, and nearing the 
breakers, but unable to shape a course for 
the thickness of the weather. The captain's 
wife suddenly exclaimed that she saw land, 
and tried to indicate upon which quarter. 
" Pint, Judy, pint! " her husband shouted to 
her, and as the fog lifted there was Point 
Judith, which has ever since borne that 
name. However this may be, the transition 
from Jude, and Juda or Judah, as some old 
deeds have it, to Judith was made easy to 
the Pettaquamscut purchasers, from the 
fact that Dame Hull, the wife of the gold- 
smith, bore that name. The ordinary pro- 
nunciation of Judy would seem to them a 
disrespectful abbreviation. If this deriva- 
tion is correct, it is true in a way that the 
point was named after Sewall's mother-in- 
law, as some authorities maintain, but where 
the first name came from is still a mystery. 
A great purchase of land was made in 
1738, from Francis Brinley, Esq., and Dame 
Deborah his wife, which included the whole 
southern portion of Boston Neck, adjoining 
a purchase of six hundred and sixty acres 
made from Samuel Vail somewhat earlier. 



LARGE PURCHASES 21 

There were about eight hundred acres of 
this land, which was surveyed and divided 
into four parts in the following year by 
James Helme, surveyor, and the map care- 
fully preserved with the deed. The price at 
first sight seems enormous. Twenty-four 
thousand pounds " Current Lawful Money 
of New England " were paid for the eight 
hundred acres. But the depreciation of the 
currency was already great. Silver had long 
been current at eight shillings an ounce.^ 
In 1738 the rate in Rhode Island had risen 
to twenty-seven shillings in bills per ounce,^ 
making the colonial pound in paper equal five 
shillings eleven pence silver. Thus the value 
of the money paid was only ^7,100, reduced 
to the current price of silver of eight shillings 
per ounce. This was two shillings higher 
than the sterling value, so that the pounds 
should be carried at $3.33, making the sum 
paid ^23,600, or about twenty-nine dollars an 
acre. One of the tracts of land into which 
the new purchase was divided, in a deed ad- 
dressed " To all Christian people," is given 
to Robert Hazard, the eldest son of Thomas, 
in consideration of " natural love and affec- 

^ Weeden, Economic and Social History of N. E., p. 473. 
2 Rider, R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8, p. 55. 



22 COLLEGE TOM 

tion." The earliest deed of gift to this son 
bears his mother s signature also, Susannah 
Hafzard. She is thought to have been a 
Nichols, a sister of the Lieutenant-Governor 
of that name, but no one knows certainly. 
The black seal she pressed, and the faded 
paper with her name, are all that remain 
to bear witness of her. 

There are other deeds of gift to his sons, 
from " Thomas Hazard senior of South 
Kingstown, etc., gentleman," as he is now 
called, or as the Narragansett Church Record 
less respectfully calls him, " Old Thomas 
Hazard." ^ An amusing variety of spelling 
in the common surname occurs. There is 
but one signature of Old Thomas Hazard. 
All the deeds are signed with a T, and his 
name written with a double z. His eldest 
son writes his name with a double s, or an 
s and a z, Jeremiah, his brother, with an s 
and a ^, and George and Jonathan, also 
brothers, in the modern way, with one z. 
The Sewall deed of 1698 is the first in 
which it is spelled in this way, but the in- 
dorsement on the back has Hazard with a 
double s. After studying these deeds, it 
seems proper to find that in his will the 

^ Updike, History of the A'arragansett Church, p. 274. 



DEATH OF THOMAS HAZARD 23 

aged father leaves the sons five shillings 
each, "they having all and each of them 
received their portion already." The pre- 
amble to this will is touching, in which the 
testator declares that he is " Ancient and 
Unwell, but of sound mind and Memory, 
thanks be given to God," and disposes of 
" such Worldly Eftate Wherewith it hath 
pleafed God to blefs me in this Life."* It 
was a very considerable estate, given to 
grandchildren and the children of grand- 
children, with his eldest son Robert as ex- 
ecutor and residuary legatee. It was signed 
on the 12th of November, 1746, with a very 
tremulous and feeble T, and one is hardly 
surprised to see that it was proved on the 
27th of the same month, a fortnight later. 
The inventory of the will was to the amount 
of ^3745 li". ^d. in the depreciated cur- 
rency. It was contested by two of the grand- 
sons, and appealed to the Governor and 
Council of the Colony of Rhode Island, who 
dismissed the protest, and confirmed the 
will, which is recorded by his grandson 
Thomas, town clerk that year (i 746). There 
is only one other mention of this Thomas 
of the T. In 1762 the same grandson 

^ See Appendix, Will of Thomas Hazard. 



24 COLLEGE TOM 

makes a " Regiftor of Death." The record 
reads : — 

"My Grandfather, Tho' Hazard De- 
parted this Life y^ 21st day of y'' month 
call'd November in the year one thousand 
seven hundred and forty-six aged Z"^ or 89 
years. This account taken from a memo- 
randum found amongft my Father's Pa- 
pers after his Death. 

(Signed) Thomas Hazard, 

fon of Rob* dec'd." 
Thomas Hazard had seen great changes. 
Where the country was once "stony and 
full of Indians," great farms and cattle 
ranges had been established. The preach- 
ing of George Fox had borne fruit in the 
flourishing meeting held regularly on Tower 
Hill. The "orthodox person " provided for 
on the Pettaquamscut foundation was settled, 
and had become a centre of influence. The 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
in Foreign Parts, after several attempts 
finally sent Dr. McSparran, the delightful 
Irish divine, so dear to the hearts of his 
people. He found " a field full of briers 
and thorns and noxious weeds," he writes, 
" that were all to be eradicated before I 
could implant in them the simplicity of the 



CONDITION OF NARRAGANSETT 25 

truth." ^ He complains that there are " Qua- 
kers, Anabaptists of four sorts, Indepen- 
dents," and that " here Hberty of conscience 
is carried to an irrehgious extreme."^ The 
Huguenot refugees had left their impress 
upon the country also. Gabriel Bernon, 
the most famous of those who came to 
Rhode Island after the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes, himself lived here for 
years. But the chief stimulus to the intel- 
lectual life of the time was the visit of 
Berkeley. The two years of his stay in 
Newport mark a golden era in the spirit- 
ual life of Rhode Island.^ Newport was the 
natural metropolis of Narragansett, and the 
good dean himself came to Narragansett, 
to the " Continent," as he calls it. The 
rough pioneer days were passed, and a time 
of pastoral plenty begun. The slave trade 
furnished the laborers for the great farms ; 
ships sailed from Newport to the Guinea 
coast, and in a few instances brought their 
wretched captives to the Narragansett shore. 
The face of the natural world has changed 

1 Updike, Appendix, America Dissected, p. 511. 

2 Ibid.^ p. 514. 

3 Foster, Some Rhode Island Contributions to the In- 
tellectual Life of the Last Century, 



26 COLLEGE TOM 

but little ; the Pettaquamscut still takes its 
shining way to the sea, and though the Sau- 
gatucket turns mill wheels, it still bounds 
the lands as described in the old deeds of 
purchase. And among the men who lived 
here in their absolute independence, freed 
even from the control of the minister, the 
growth of strong character and sterling vir- 
tues was fostered. The individualism may 
have been excessive, as in all small self-gov- 
erning communities. Each man was truly 
a law to himself, but in listening to "their 
own teacher in themselves," which George 
Fox tried to make audible to each soul, there 
were men who in this liberal atmosphere 
rose to heights of heroic action. 




^ S" c^-t 



CHAPTER II. 

Life in Narragansett. Robert Hazard's Provision for his 
Wife. Thomas Hazard goes to New Haven College. His 
Marriage to Elizabeth Robinson. His Homestead. 

The writers of the early history of the 
Narragansett Country all unite in declaring 
it a favored land, if not literally flowing with 
milk and honey, at least with abundance of 
milk, and rich in corn and all the products 
of a kindly soil. The grass was said to be 
the richest ever known, the fields the most 
fertile ; one of the enthusiastic sons of the 
country calls it the fabled Atlantis, the fit 
home of the gods. And indeed the land 
is a fair land, diversified by hill and dale, 
the smiling landscape lit by shining lakes, 
and every extended prospect taking in the 
wide blue horizon of the bluest of oceans. 
Boston Neck lying between the Pettaquam- 
scut and the sea was the most fertile soil, 
and the earliest settled by the Pettaquam- 
scut purchasers. The corn of the Indians 
was excellent, even with the rude husbandry 
of the squaws, and English planters soon 



28 COLLEGE TOM 

raised enormous crops from the practically 
virgin soil. At the beginning of the eight- 
eenth century the country was taken up by 
great farmers working their farms with slave 
labor, either Indian, or negro, or both, and 
living the life of English squires. Their 
books and their tea came to them from 
England direct to Newport, chocolat and 
spices as well, while the West Indies fur- 
nished sugar and molasses, with the good 
rum so much in demand, and occasional 
*' oringes and lemmonds." These apart, 
almost all the necessities of life were sup- 
plied by the great farms, beef, veal, pork, 
and " dung-hill fowles," corn, potatoes and 
onions, and wool and flax for the war/led 
sarge, linning, and caliminco. A life of 
comparative ease gave ample time for plea- 
sant social intercourse. England was dear 
to the hearts of her sons, and the pleasant 
English ways of sports and hunting were 
adhered to. If we may believe the tales 
and traditions which have come down to us, 
the life was of idyllic freshness and simpli- 
city. Peopled as Rhode Island was by come- 
outers, the most liberal of the liberal, the 
southern portion particularly was famous for 
men of pronounced views, and energy of 



FAMILY TIES 29 

character. The families were bound to- 
gether by ties of blood or marriage, the wel- 
fare of one intimately concerned all, and in 
times of festivity the whole country-side 
joined in the jollity, irrespective of church 
or creed. Especially was this the case at a 
wedding in one of the leading families. Up 
from Point Judith, through the bridle-path 
that led from one great farm to another, di- 
vided by stone walls and heavy gates, came 
the ladies in their camblitt cloaks, and the 
gentlemen in broadcloth and britches, with 
silver shoe and knee buckles, mounted on 
the Narragansett pacers of famous memory. 
Colored slaves attended them to open the 
gates and wait upon them. From Boston 
Neck the gentry gathered, and from Little 
Rest, and the farms of Matunuc. Toward 
Tower Hill they took their way, where, 
until the middle of the century, the court 
house dominated the village, for v/hether in 
Church or Meeting it was on the high ridge 
overlooking the bay that the place of assem- 
bly was. 

In May, 1742, on the twenty-seventh day, 
a most notable gathering of this kind took 
place, in the old Quaker meeting-house, on 
the southern spur of Tower Hill. The oc- 



30 COLLEGE TOM 

casion was indeed auspicious, for Thomas 
Hazard, eldest son and heir of Robert, was 
to marry Elizabeth Robinson, eldest daugh- 
ter of that William who afterwards was 
deputy-governor of the State. On the fourth 
of the same month (May, 1742), Thomas 
Hazard had been admitted a freeman of the 
colony, presumably upon arriving of age, 
though September 15, 1720, is the date of his 
birth, which would make him over twenty- 
one years old. As the eldest son of his 
father he was a freeman upon attaining his 
majority, without the property qualifications 
necessary for younger sons. 

Robert Hazard, his father, great-grandson 
of the first immigrant, is described as "of 
Boston Neck, gentleman." He was one of 
the very large owners of property in Narra- 
gansett, and it is told of him by his great- 
o:randson, Isaac Peace Hazard, on the author- 
ity of his grandmother, that he had " twelve 
negro women as dairy women, each of whom 
had a girl to assist her, making from twelve 
to twenty-four cheeses a day . . . one hun- 
dred and fifty cows being about the number 
he generally -kept. ... He kept about four 
thousand sheep, manufacturing most of the 
clothing, both woolen and linen, for his 



ROBERT HAZARD 3 1 

household, which must have been very 
large, as I have heard my grandmother say 
that after he partially retired from his ex- 
tensive farming operations, or curtailed 
them by giving up part of his lands to his 
children, he congratulated his family and 
friends on the small number to which he 
had reduced his household for the coming 
winter, being only seventy in parlor and 
kitchen." ^ He took an interest in public 
affairs, and was a deputy to the general as- 
sembly from South Kingstown in 1734, '35 
and '36, and again in 1738 and '39. In 1756 
he was named first of a committee appointed 
by the general assembly to run a dividing 
line between South Kingstown and Exeter, 
and reported the following year.^ 

From his will, dated in 1 745 (but not exe- 
cuted) a good idea of the methods of liv- 
ing can be gained. He first provides for 
his " Dearly beloved wife," and mentions 
exactly what she is to have : fifty pounds a 
year, " four cows to be kept summer and 
and winter yearly and every year," a Negro 
woman named Phebee, " one Rideing Mare, 
Such a one as She Shall Chuse Out of all my 

^ Updike, History of the Narragansett Church, p. 181. 
2 R. I. C. R., vol. V. p. 526. 



32 COLLEGE TOM 

Jades, with a new Saddle and new Bridle." 
She was to have an allowance of wood, beef, 
and pork yearly, the " beef to be Killed 
and Drefsed, and brought to her into her 
houfe ; " she was given " Six Dung - hill 
fowl," and " fix Geese with the privilege of 
raifing what Increase She Can, but Shall put 
of (off) all of them to Six by the laft of Jan- 
uary yearly." Her furniture was to consist 
of one feather-bed, with six chairs, " two Iron 
pots one brass Kettle, two pair of Pott-hooks, 
two Trammels," various pewter dishes and 
platters, some large, some " middling size," 
pewter Basons, and silver spoons. One piece 
of Caniblitt was also given " Saving so much 
of it as I give to my Daughter Mary to Make 
her a Cloak ; " of linen the piece " called the 
fine piece," also a piece of fine worsted cloth, 
with forty pounds of wool yearly, and a 
" Linnen wheel, and a Woollen Wheel." 
She was to have two rooms, " one a fire 
Room, the other a Bed room Such as She 
Shall Chufe in either of my two Houfes," 
and the " Improvement of a quarter of an 
Acre of Land where She Shall Chufe it 
to be Well fenced for her Ufe yearly." 
One wonders if this good dame Hazard 
enjoyed her garden, that this is carefully 



COLLEGE TOM'S EDUCATION 33 

mentioned for her. Andirons, fire-shovel, 
and warming-pan are also given her; the 
furnishing seems to have been very com- 
plete. She was Sarah Borden, the mother 
of three sons and two daughters. Thomas, 
as the eldest, by the English custom which 
prevailed in this part of New England, was 
the chief inheritor of the estates, and is 
named as the executor of the will. To his 
care his mother was left, and though this 
will was destroyed, long after entries in 
his note-book occur showing the faithful- 
ness with which his mother's cows were 

kept. . 

In a household thus plentifully provided, 
born the inheritor of large acres, Thomas 
Hazard grew to manhood. He went to 
New Haven College for several terms, and 
from that fact derived the sobriquet of 
" College Tom." The Yale records of ad- 
mission previous to 1743 no longer exist. 
The College had had a troubled existence 
since 1 701, when its charter was obtained, 
and not till the administration of President 
Clapp began in 1739-40 did it enter upon 
its career of prosperity. This is the man of 
whom Dr. McSparran writes, in speaking of 
the college at New Haven: "The Presi- 



36 COLLEGE TOM 

ards, one of whom spells his name in the 
modern way, the other with a double s. 
They were Governor Robert, own cousin of 
the father of the groom, and Doctor Robert ; 
the Governor spelling his name with 
the double s, for Esther Haffard, his wife, 
called Queen Esther, is also there. She 
was a woman of great force of character. 
In a lawsuit about her husband's property 
after his death she was by courtesy al- 
lowed a seat beside the judges, where a 
quick repartee of hers overthrew the argu- 
ments of the opposing counsel, and won 
her case. Stephen Champlin, who married 
Mary Hazard, a sister of the groom, was 
there, and John Easton, an uncle by mar- 
riage. Rowland Robinfon signs boldly, who 
then became the brother-in-law of Thomas 
Hazard. He afterward became famous for 
his cruel opposition to the marriage of his 
daughter, the beautiful Hannah, but now 
was a gay young gentleman, very handsome 
and courageous, whose own wedding to 
Anstis Gardner had been celebrated only 
the year before. William Potter, Thomas 
Brown, a justice later, and perhaps then, 
Stephen Mumford and Jos. Hamond, Jr., 
complete the list of most honored guests. 



THE WEDDING GUESTS 37 

The wives of these worthies were many of 
them present. Three Mary Hazards were 
there, with Abigail Hazard. " Queen Es- 
ther," from her fine carriage and strong 
character, we can imagine dominating the 
group of women. Lucy Mumford and 
Hannah Shearman were there, and Isaac 
and Patience Bull. Four of the Rodmans, 
Thomas Junior, William, Benjamin, and 
Samuel were present, and the John Hand- 
son who witnessed the will of the aged 
grandfather some years later. Peckham, 
Knowles, Greene, and Dyre are some of 
the other names, with Sheffield, Case, and 
Battey. Updike and all the writers on 
Narragansett dwell on the great hospitality 
of the country. Here was an eldest son, 
handsome, well educated, and just of age, 
making a most suitable marriage, and we 
can imagine the festivities of both fami- 
lies, in spite of Quaker traditions. At the 
wedding feast which followed, William 
Robinson is reported to have said, " This 
day by the marriage of my daughter to 
Thomas Hazard I have ennobled my 
family." ^ The narrator of this saying adds 
that as the families were of equal birth 

^ T. R. Yiz.zz.x^, Recollections of Olden Times, p. 109. 



38 COLLEGE TOM 

and position, it was a personal tribute to 
the worth of the young bridegroom. At that 
early age he seems to have given proofs of 
the large mindedness and nobility of char- 
acter for which he was afterwards distin- 
guished. 

In accordance with the custom of the 
times he probably took his young bride 
home to his father's house. There is little 
remaining among his papers to show what 
happened in the next few years. Governor 
Robinson sends him the following note the 
next year. The somewhat regal method of 
summoning the young man to "our Houfe" 
consorts well with the finished handwriting. 
Love: Son 

These are to defire you to come to our 
Houfe tomorrow morning early as you 
pleafe to take home fifty sheep which I 
have drawn off for you if you will accept 
of them from y' Love : ffather in Law 

W'" Robinson. 
March y^ 22^ 1742/3 
(Addressed) 

To Thomas Hazard 
Son of Rob' 
at 

S'' Kingstown 
Thefe 




.-s-.*^Bp..-S?^is» >r.?rSS 









?* 








^-\ 




i' 



^;ji^^*^i 



"■xs^^ 



:1 






.^/ 












THE HOMESTEAD FARM 39 

(Endorsed) 

Crop the right Ear and a gad under it 

and a gad under the Left Ear. 

So the sheep were doubtless accepted. 

In 1744, Robert Hazard makes him a 
deed of gift of "fforty acres" on Tower 
Hill, bounded westerly on the high road, the 
consideration being love and affection. 
Here it was that Thomas Hazard lived and 
died. The farm commands a fine view of 
the bay, with Beaver Tail and Newport ly- 
ing in the distance, and to the south Point 
Judith stretching into the sea. The house 
stood some distance back from the high 
road, on the brow of the hill. Within a few 
years the chimney was standing ; now all has 
fallen, and in 1892 a great-great-grandson 
removed the door-steps of single granite 
stones which were the last remaining relic 
of the original house, and has piously placed 
them in a safe and honorable position, mute 
witnesses of the past. 

In this house the children were born ; 
Sarah, the only daughter, in 1747, who 
only lived a few years, and four sons. Rob- 
ert, the eldest, was born in 1753; then 
a baby named Thomas, who lived four 
months; and two years later a third son 



40 COLLEGE TOM 

was named Thomas, born in 1758. This 
was the Thomas afterward called Bedford 
Tom, because he went to New Bedford 
and became a merchant, and later to New 
York, where he was largely engaged in busi- 
ness. Some of his descendants are well- 
known men.^ In 1763 the youngest son 
was born and named Rowland after his 
uncle Rowland Robinson. He alone of the 
three sons who grew to manhood has left 
descendants in Narragansett. His eldest 
brother went to Ferrisburg, Vermont, and 
the second to New York as just mentioned. 
This Rowland had five sons, but of the 
three who married, only his son Rowland 
remained in Narragansett. So that the 
papers which had come down from the sev- 
enteenth century in the oldest branch of the 
family all remained in the possession of the 
son who stayed at home. Many of them had 
not been opened since 1827, when they 
were sorted and dated by Rowland Hazard, 
until 1889, when his great-granddaughter 
with reverent touch loosened the old fas- 
tenings, and spread them to the light. The 
deeds of gift or of purchase, the wills, the 

^Abram Barker, Esq, father of W^harton Barker, of 
Philadelphia, is his grandson. 



THE HAZARD PAPERS 4I 

accounts and memorandums, of past gener- 
ations appeared, all the documents pertain- 
ing to the things of this life, once lived so 
much as we live, the husks and externals 
left behind by the "spirits of just men made 
perfect." 

It is from these papers, stained with 
damp, and cracking in the folds, that we 
can gather some conception of the life that 
Thomas Hazard son of Robert lived, of 
his farming, of his buying and selling, of 
his relations to his family, and of his place 
in Meeting, and glean inspiration for our- 
selves from the way he served his day and 
generation. 



CHAPTER III. 

Thomas Hazard's Awakening to the Evils of Slavery. The 
Teaching of Dean Berkeley on the Subject. Collision 
with his Father. 

An interesting story of the manner in 
which Thomas Hazard became awakened 
to the evils of slavery was told by all of his 
grandsons. I have heard it repeatedly from 
the lips of my grandfather, substantially as 
his older brother, Isaac Peace Hazard, has 
related it in the " History of the Narra- 
gansett Church."^ About the time of his 
marriage, his father wished to establish him 
upon a farm of suitable size, and give him 
enough slaves to work it properly. In stock- 
ing the farm, young Thomas Hazard was 
sent into Connecticut, to an old deacon 
living near New London, in North Ston- 
ington, to buy cattle. He arrived Saturday 
afternoon, and knowing the strictness of the 
Connecticut Sunday laws, proposed to stay 
at an inn. But his father's friend, happen- 

1 Pages 322-25. 



A MEMORABLE SUNDAY 43 

ing to come to the village, insisted upon 
takine him home with him for the Sabbath. 
They naturally fell into the religious dis- 
cussion so common in that day, especially as 
Connecticut gave Rhode Island very little 
credit for having any religion at all. At 
this point my grandfather used to inter- 
polate a story of later date of a small boy 
who was taken from his Rhode Island home 
to visit relatives in Connecticut, and put 
through his catechism by the head of the 
house. " How many Gods are there ? " he 
was solemnly asked. " There ain't e'er a 
one in Rhode Island ! " he promptly replied. 
In contrast with this, the story of the vis- 
iting Connecticut boy was told, who was 
asked the question, " What state do you 
live in ? " " State of sin and misery, sir," 
was the meek and immediate answer. 
With such illustrations of the feeling preva- 
lent between the two sections of country, 
and knowing the controversial spirit of the 
times, we can imagine the long talks of 
that Sunday ever memorable in the life of 
Thomas Hazard. Finally after discussing 
various sects, Quakerism was mentioned, 
on which the Deacon exclaimed, " Qua- 
kers ! they are not Christian People." As 



44 COLLEGE TOM 

Thomas Hazard was lately from college, 
and was remarkable for his argumentative 
powers, and had giveh some study to the 
subject, he thought himself able to answer 
all the usual objections to the Society of 
Friends. But instead of advancing these, 
to his surprise the deacon said, " They hold 
their fellow-men in slavery." He was com- 
pletely silenced, and from that moment 
began to turn his thoughts toward the ab- 
olition of slavery. He informed his father 
upon his return of his change of views, and 
his intention of cultivating his farm by free 
labor. 

King's County — now Washington — had, 
about 1730, a thousand slaves,^ who were 
divided among the great farmers. Robert 
Hazard is said to have been one of the 
largest slave-owners in New England, and 
saw that his son's views if carried out would 
ruin himself and his neisfhbors. He endeav- 
ored to dissuade him from them, and finally 
threatened to disinherit him. Fully expect- 
ing this, Thomas Hazard persisted in what 
he believed to be his duty, and began to 
cultivate his farm with free labor. 

They were indeed revolutionary ideas 

^ Updike, p. 174. 



SLAVES IN NARRAGANSETT 45 

which the young man advanced. His 
aged grandfather was still living, who had 
thought it no sin to own slaves, and the 
whole prosperity of the country was founded 
on slave labor. All the friends and neigh- 
bors held slaves, and two connections even 
imported them. Updike mentions Colonel 
Thomas Hazard, a cousin of Robert Haz- 
ard's, and Rowland Robinson, College Tom's 
brother-in-law, as importing them. On the 
arrival of the ship at the South Ferry, Row- 
land Robinson was overcome by seeing the 
distress of the poor creatures as they landed. 
He is said to have wept bitterly, and taken 
home all of his share of the venture, twenty- 
eight poor souls, treating them with great 
kindness, and refusing to sell any of them. 
One woman of great strength of character 
called Abigail, afterward at her own request 
went back to Guinea, and brought over her 
son, Mr. Robinson being at the expense of 
the voyage. It is evident that the evils of 
slavery were as light as possible, and that 
some attempts at freeing individual slaves 
were made quite early. In 1729 an act was 
passed relating to the freeing of mulatto 
and negro slaves, which sets forth that 
" great charge, trouble, and inconveniences 



46 COLLEGE TOM 

have arisen to the inhabitants of divers 
towns in this Colony by the manumit- 
ting and setting free mulatto and negro 
slaves," for the remedy of which it was en- 
acted that a " sufficient security be given 
to the town treasurer of the town or place 
where such person dwells, in a valuable sum 
of not less than ^loo, to secure and indem- 
nify the town or place from all charge " ^ in 
case such persons become unable to support 
themselves. This act seems to imply that 
there were some unprincipled masters, who 
manumitted their slaves only when they be- 
came useless, but the deposit of a hundred 
pounds each made manumission an expen- 
sive luxury. 

Dean Berkeley, who came from Newport 
to the " Continent," as he says, on several 
occasions interested himself in the con- 
dition of the slaves. He found, he writes, 
" an erroneous notion, that being baptized 
is inconsistent with a state of slavery." " In 
this opinion the early settlers showed the 
good sense and logical mind for which 
many of them were famous. If the slaves 
were really chattels, as they held, it was 

^ R. L C. R., vol. iv., p. 415. 
2 Updike, p. 177. 



BERKELEY ON SLAVERY 47 

surely as improper to baptize them as it 
would be their other beasts of burden. 
Starting from their premise their conclusion 
was absolutely correct. But the good Dean 
set himself to enlighten them. " To un- 
decieve them in this particular," he con- 
tinues, "which had too much weight, it 
seemed a proper step if the opinion of His 
Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General 
could be procured. This opinion they 
cheerfully sent over, signed with their own 
hands ; which was accordingly printed in 
Rhode Island, and dispersed throughout 
the Plantations. I heartily wish it may 
produce the intended effect."^ The So- 
ciety for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
Foreign Parts also took the matter in hand, 
and sent over an address on the subject. 
" Let me beseech you," a sentence reads, 
" to consider them not merely as slaves, but 
as men slaves and women slaves, who have 
the same frame and faculties as yourselves, 
and have souls capable of being made happy, 
and reason and understanding to receive 
instruction in order to it." 

Dr. McSparran had special services for 
the slaves, and special hours for instructing 

1 Updike, p. 176. 



48 COLLEGE TOM 

them In the catechism. He baptized many, 
and was most humane and Hberal in his 
treatment of them. With his example before 
them, and the teaching of the church on the 
subject, in the necessity of the case it could 
not have been long before the falsity of the 
position impressed itself strongly on some 
man. And the man came. If they were 
chattels, religious instruction was useless ; if 
they had souls, freedom was their right. 
Thomas Hazard was one of the best edu- 
cated young men of his neighborhood. Dr. 
McSparran received young gentlemen, after 
the manner of his day, to instruct in the 
classics, and it seems very likely that Col- 
lege Tom's training previous to entering the 
Colleire at New Haven was received from 
this learned and liberal divine. With the 
tendency of the age it is also probable that 
much attention was given to logic, and the 
exercise of the reasoning faculty, so that 
all his study fitted him to accept a conclu- 
sion which he had honestly arrived at. The 
old deacon's words denouncine^ Quakers, 
" They hold their fellow-men in slavery," 
said to him, as they were repeated by his 
grandsons, with an impressive solemnity, 
fell into the ground of a good and honest 



DIVERS SECTS 49 

heart, and brought forth fruit an hundred- 
fold. 

Rhode Island early proved a harbor of 
refuge for the persecuted Quakers of Massa- 
chusetts, who found there even more sever- 
ity exercised toward them than at home. 
Dr. McSparran says that " emissaries of that 
enthusiasm were dispatched to the West In- 
dies " in 1654, some of whom visited Rhode 
Island later. George Fox himself preached 
in Narragansett on his journey of 1771-73. 
Dr. McSparran speaks of " the power and 
number of Quakers in this Colony," and be- 
wails the " heterodox and different opinions 
in religion, that were found in this little cor- 
ner."^ " Quakers, Baptists, Fanatics, Ranters, 
Deists, and Infidels swarm in that part of the 
world," Mr. Fayerweather writes in 1760.^ 
But the very fact of this freedom of individ- 
ual belief promoted the growth of the sturdy 
character, and self-reliance, which could 
brave opposition and stand firm to honest 
conviction. It does not seem probable that 
Robert Hazard was a devoted Quaker, or 
even a Quaker at all. Neither his name 
nor that of his father appear in the Friends' 

1 Updike, p. 511. 
^ Ibid., p. 469. 



50 COLLEGE TOM 

records. He is described in most of the 
deeds referring to him, and mentioned to 
the King in council, as will appear, as Rob- 
ert Hazard, Gentleman — a title his son did 
not use and one not consistent with " plain- 
nefs." If he considered his son's religious 
opinions extreme, as well as the economic 
theories he was advocating, we can imagine 
the double exasperation for which the father 
considered he had ample grounds. 

The exact time of this collision is a little 
difficult to determine. His grandsons used 
to say it was about the time of College 
Tom's marriage, which took place in 1742. 
The deed of gift of land " for love and 
affection " from Robert Hazard comes in 
1744, and the will of the next year leaves 
the eldest son residuary legatee and sole ex- 
ecutor. So the terms on which father and 
son stood must still have been good. Isaac 
Peace Hazard says College Tom was a 
preacher in the Society of Friends for forty 
years before his death. For a few years 
previous to his death in 1798 he was very 
feeble, and this general statement hardly in- 
dicates more than that he began to preach 
somewhere in the fifties. The will of 1745 
is carefully written, duly witnessed, entirely 



COLLISION WITH HIS FATHER 5 1 

complete in every way but one. It seems 
to have a dramatic story to tell. The lower 
right-hand corner, on which the signature 
was, is torn off ! Was this mutilated docu- 
ment used as a final resort to try to compel 
Thomas Hazard to abandon his anti-slavery 
views } However it may be, he stood the 
test, and it is gratifying to find in the early 
fifties entries showing that harmonious rela- 
tions were again established with his father. 
Possibly they gave up trying to convince 
each other, and each went his own way. 
Robert Hazard is said to have left all his 
slaves free by his will,^ a statement of which 
I have copied.^ Further investigation shows 
this to be erroneous. Robert Hazard died 
on — 

"Ye 20*'' of ye <l^ month 1762 at about 
half after One in ye Morning ; after an 
illnefs of 10 weeks, 4 days, 1 1 hours which 
he bore with a becoming patience, Aged 
73 years." ^ 

His will is dated March 11, 1762, pro- 
bated May 27, 1762, and the fact that Dr. 
Joseph Torrey was one of the witnesses 

1 Updike, p. 325. 

2 Works of R. G. Hazard, Biographical Preface, p. v. 
8 Appendix, A Regiftor of Death, 



52 COLLEGE TOM 

seems to imply that he was already ill when 
it was drawn. To his wife he bequeaths 
" my Mulatto Woman called Lydia " and a 
mulatto boy Newport, with a full furnishing 
of household goods, silver spoons, " Pewter, 
Brass, Iron, and Wooden vessels " and allow- 
ances of produce to be provided yearly by 
her sons. Seven other slaves are mentioned 
by name in the will, and given to his wife 
and children ; but it is noticeable that while 
slaves are given to his sons Jonathan and 
Richard and to both daughters, none are 
given to Thomas. The latter is named sole 
executor and is ordered to sell " all my Cat- 
tle and Horfes not herein difpofed of, and all 
my Sheep and Hogs, and all my farming 
utenfils, and remainder of all my eftate " to 
pay the legacies, and to divide the remain- 
der " equally among my sons Thomas, Jona- 
than, and Richard."^ 

It is difhcult to tell what became of the 
other slaves, as no inventory of the estate or 
deed of sale can now be found in the South 
Kingstown records. Richard, the youngest 
son, died in the autumn of the same year as 
his father. The record is tenderly made by 
his brother ; he — 

* South Kingstown Records. 



SLAVES BEQUEATHED BY WILL 53 

" Departed this life on ye 30"^ of ye 
Ninth month Call'd Septemb'' aged 31 
years, 10 month, and Ten days. He died 
on ye 5* day of ye Week about 38 minutes 
after Four in ye afternoon after an Illnefs 
of twenty days 1762." 
This young man's will is dated only 
twelve days before his death, and the inven- 
tory has been found, showing that beside 
Cudjo, Tom, and Peter, bequeathed him by 
his father, he had five other slaves to dis- 
pose of, two men and three women, whose 
names are duly given/ It therefore seems 
probable that these slaves were his third of 
his father's slaves, which would give fifteen 
slaves not mentioned in the will of Robert 
Hazard, making twenty-four the number he 
had to dispose of. They were evidently not 
included in the direction for sale in settling 
the estate. Indeed the condition of slavery 
seems to have been as mild as possible in 
Narragansett. " You are greater slaves al- 
ready than our negroes," ^ Dr. McSparran 
writes to his Irish cousin in 1752. It seems 
to have been a kind of serfdom rather than 
absolute slavery, as the slaves were prac- 

1 South Kingstown Records. 

2 Updike, p. 530. 



54 COLLEGE TOM 

tically attached to the soil. To the Chris- 
tian name as time went on the master's sur- 
name was attached, as in the case of Dr. 
Torrey's man Cuff, and Ned Watson, about 
whom Shepherd Tom tells an amusing tale 
of the days of his youth. The old negro, 
accompanied by the child, on one occasion 
carried a bag of wet clams upon his back 
in freezing weather, up from the shore to 
Tower Hill. To the little boy's great de- 
light, a long icicle, snowy white, gradually 
formed on the skirt of the negro's short 
jacket, making a parti-colored demon, stoop- 
ing under his burden. On being asked to 
take his turn Cuff Torrey refused to carry 
the clams for fear of being decorated in like 
manner.^ To this day the good names, and 
often the charming manners, of the old fam- 
ilies are found among the colored people 
of South Kingstown. Far back in the hill 
country it is a real pleasure to be saluted 
by a negro of pure African descent, bearing 
the name of one of the most distinguished 
of the Narragansett families. Watson, Ol- 
ney, Gardner, and Helme are all repre- 
sented in this way. There may be Hazards, 
but they have taken no prominent part in 

^ Rhode \s\zxA Jonny-Cake Papers^ p. 221. 



THE HEAD OF THE FAMILY 55 

the country life. It is most probable that if 
they took surnames at all, Thomas Hazard, 
with his strong feeling on the subject, would 
have used his influence to give them a name 
which should be individual. 

However he and his father differed upon 
the question of slavery, it is evident that he 
was trusted with the settlement of the es- 
tate, and took his place at the head of the 
family. The fatherless son of Richard found 
in him a faithful guardian,^ and the children 
of his sister Mary a wise and peaceful coun- 
selor.^ One longs for some adequate por- 
trait of him, as he was in his fresh young 
manhood, his young wife at his side, with 
the world lying before him, and seeking to 
conquer it by new and untried efforts, which 
the elders disapproved of, but the sincerity 
of which won their recognition and respect. 

^ Appendix, Release of Guardianship. 
2 Appendix, Affair of Stephen Champlin. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Thomas Hazard's Account Book. Diffuse Entries. Rhode 
Island Currency. Horses. Exchange of Produce for 
them. Shoeing Horses. Blacksmithing. Roads. " Nailer 
Tom." Oxen. Carting. Saddles. Leather. Tanning 
and Currj'ing. Shoes. 

Account books unfortunately were not 
written for historical purposes, as Mr. John 
Fiske justly observes, but in the absence of 
other record much can be gathered from 
the book of Thomas Hazard " fon of Rob- 
ert," with entries beginning in 1750 and 
ending in 1 790. This period of forty years 
covers the most active part of his life, and 
from this book, with its full entries and per- 
sonal details; with its occasional notes still 
pinned on the written page, a very good 
idea can be gained of the life of a Narra- 
gansett planter. The book itself is a folio 
volume, eight inches wide by twelve and 
a half inches long, and nearly an inch in 
thickness, containing two hundred pages. 

The numbering is very confused ; it runs 
smoothly up to the eighty-third page, when 



777^ ACCOUNT BOOK 5/ 

the next is suddenly the hundred and sixty- 
fifth. From that, with the exception that 
two pages are numbered ahke, it runs to 
two hundred and thirty, and then, as if con- 
vinced that was too large a number, drops a 
hundred off and begins at one hundred and 
thirty-one. The last fifteen pages are not 
numbered at all, and a folio sheet of four 
pages is inserted bearing entries of as late 
a date as 1789, The cover is of light paste- 
board now turned a dull gray. The paper 
is of good quality, somewhat yellow with 
age, and the inks used very various, some 
entries showing clear and black, and others 
almost indecipherable. It is ruled by hand, 
sometimes in lead pencil, for £. s. and d., 
w^ith a fourth column late in the book 
marked q^ These w^ere the quarter pence, 
or farthings, which were reckoned with 
" Lawful money." Each page is headed : 
" S°. Kingstown In f County of Kings 
County &ct." or " In y^ Colony of Rhode 
Island &ct" 

Opening the book at random it is natural 
to find entries of various persons who are 
indebted to Thomas Hazard for cheese, but- 
ter, milk, beef, lamb, wool, and all sorts of 
farm produce, but why they should also be 



58 COLLEGE TOM 

indebted for shoe buckles, velvet, skeins of 
thread, a thimble, and other articles not usu- 
ally found on a Rhode Island farm is at first 
difHcult to determine. A little further study- 
explains it. In the general scarcity of cur- 
rency, money seems to have passed through 
as few hands as possible. Thus Samson 
Will, instead of being paid his wages in 
1750 is entered as debtor to Thomas Haz- 
ard for "garlix, cambric, and thread of J. 
Helme," who was the storekeeper at Tower 
Hill, later a judge, and a man of much 
influence in the country-side. The money 
apparently passed directly to Helme, in this 
case. In another instance one payment 
discharged several debts. John Mash, in 
1757, is debtor " To thirty shillings in Cafli 
Paid to Tho^ Sweet, Blacksmith ; it was due 
from John Nichols to s'^ Sweet, & from 
John Mash to s"^ Nichols." 

A whole series of accounts exist which 
are not balanced at all in the usual way, as 
in the case of relatives. Latham Clarke, 
College Tom's brother-in-law, has the long- 
est of these. He has veal, butter, cheese, 
oxen at pasture, etc., against which he is 
credited with a " Felt Hatt for Dick at ;^i, 
Cafteel Sope, Handkerchiefs at 14 shillings, 



DIFFUSE ENTRIES 59 

Callominco at i8 shillings, Sugar, Indigo, 
and salt." There is no attempt at footing 
up, but at the end of the page " Ballanced 
acco'' with Latham Clarke, February the 
first day, Ann° Dom^ one thoufand feven 
hundred and fifty, 1750." Transactions with 
" Father Hazard " are conducted largely by 
borrowing and lending, as in 1757 when 
" Father Hazard had eleven Bushels of 
Oats of me to Sow for which he is to re- 
turn eleven Bushels nex year," and entries 
of Bushels of corn, with no price fixed, "All 
Paid by my Father." 

In studying this record of the life of the 
last century several points claim the reader's 
attention. It is a very different account 
book from any of to-day. No one takes the 
time now to go so fully into details. What 
talks and bargaining are indicated in this 
entry of February 28, 1754: " Thos. Hazard 
of Newport D"" To fifty-five pounds promised 
to pay me in Three months on Swop be- 
tween' Two Horses." Is a sharp bargain 
always allowable on a horse trade .? for fifty- 
five pounds seems a large sum to pay for a 
horse, to say nothing of paying it to boot. 
This brings us to a consideration of the very 
high prices, apparently, paid for everything. 



60 COLLEGE TOM 

until we remember the unfortunate state of 
Rhode Island currency. In 1754, ^3 153". 
were equal to one Spanish Milled Dollar, 
that is, seventy-five shillings of old tenor 
bills were equal to six shillings silver of i6| 
cents, or one silver shilling equal to twelve 
and a half of paper ; which reduces our fifty- 
five old tenor pounds to four pounds, eight 
shillings, — a much more moderate sum to 
pay " on Swop." The variability of the 
currency throughout the book has its own 
lesson. Rhode Island issued paper money 
first in 1 710. Six other issues followed 
between that date and 1740, when the 
bills outstanding of these dates began to 
be called old tenor. The apparently high 
prices throughout the book must be dis- 
counted according to the value of the paper 
money, which evidently caused endless trou- 
ble, and brought final disaster. Connecti- 
cut, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts 
were in the same difficult)^ One "bank" 
was issued in Rhode Island, to redeem its 
predecessor, and the bills were to be " in 
value equal to money." After 1740, the 
value of the bills was to equal a specified 
weight of gold or silver. In Rhode Is- 
land the issues of 1 740 were at (>s. <^d. per 



RHODE ISLAND CURRENCY 



6l 



ounce in silver, or ^5 per ounce in gold.^ 
Though at the same time it took twenty- 
seven shilhngs in these bills to equal one 
ounce in silver,^ they soon became current 
at the rate of one for four of old tenor. 
Hence arose endless confusion. In 1751, a 
year after the first entries in the account 
book, the value of a Spanish milled dollar 




The Spanish Mill'd Dollar. 

was declared by the General Assembly of 
June, 1763, to have been £2 i6i-. As this 
was a declaration of value twelve years after 
the fact, made for the use of courts in de- 
ciding the many difficult cases which arose 
from the depreciated currency, it was of no 
service as a basis of value to the struggling 

1 Weeden, Eco7iomic and Social History of New Eng- 
land, ch. xiii., The Period of Inflation. 

2 R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8, p. 55. 



62 COLLEGE TOM 

accountant. Beside the Spanish dollars 
there are also mentioned in the book Jo- 
hannes and half Johannes, gold pieces of 
the value of eight Spanish milled dollars, 
and pistareens, and half pistareens. 

Such were the difficulties of the currency 
that primitive methods of exchange had to 
be resorted to. In Massachusetts from 1720 
to 1723 the treasury accepted beef, pork, 
Indian corn, hides, and other produce at 
fixed rates.^ In Rhode Island it does not 
appear to have come to such a pass, but in 
the neighborhood transactions of College 
Tom, he often balances his accounts in this 
way by barter, or simply enters the items 
and leaves them unbalanced entirely. 

We have seen that the young man and 
his beautiful bride — for the Robinsons are 
famous for their beauty — started their house- 
keeping on the forty -acre homestead, sur- 
rounded by the land of Robert Hazard, 
and that the break with his father did not 
come till after 1745. Nor could the breach 
between them have endured as long as 
tradition asserts. Thomas Hazard was a 
peacemaker on more than one occasion, 
and his friendly relations to his father are 

* Weeden, Economic and Social History of N. E., cli. xiii. 



A HORSE TRADE 63 

testified to by various entries of borrow- 
ing and lending. " Father Hazard brought 
eleven cows to keep" at pasture in 1754. 
In 1750 College Tom buys a yoke of oxen 
at ^140, — though the pounds sterling 
mark is out of place, and it should read 
current money of New England. Most of 
his horses were probably raised, for few 
were bought. A three-year-old in 1753 cost 
a hundred and fifty pounds ; a " thirteen- 
year-old Bay mare with a White nofe " in 
'54 cost seventy pounds, and an " old black 
Troting mare," a year later, only fifty-five 
pounds. A few others were bought, one in 
1 763, a black mare, at two hundred and forty- 
four pounds ; but the money was just twice 
as bad as in 1753, the £2> ^o-^- of that date 
being equal to £'j in 1763, and both only 
having the actual value of one Spanish 
milled dollar. In 1766 comes a curious 
transaction in horseflesh, which shows very 
plainly the trouble of the inflated currency. 
Silver had risen still further, so that a dollar 
w^as now equal to eight pounds. 

1766, 1 8th 6 mo. George Irejfh To 
one Dark Coloured Natural pacing Horfe 
with some White in his Face, at fifty-five 
Silver Spanifh MilP Dollers. I am to 



64 COLLEGE TOM 

take I hoggshead of Molafses, i barrell of 
Sugar at £^0, old Tenor per Hundred, 
the Molaffes at the value of 36/old Tenor, 
a Doller being confidered at the Value of 
Eight Pounds old Tenor the Remain- 
der in Tea at y^ Rate of Eight Pounds 
old Ten"" and in Indigo at the Rate of 
Twelve Pounds, old Tenor ; to have one- 
half of y^ remainder in Tea, & the other 
in Indigo. 

This was evidently a Narragansett pacer. 
The fame of these horses is perpetuated by 
Updike, and all the writers upon early 
Narragansett. They were in great demand 
for export, and were annually sent to the 
West Indies, and to Virginia. So great 
was their value that finally all the good 
mares were sold from out the country, and 
the old fable of killino: the Qroose that laid the 
golden egg was repeated in Narragansett. 
The races on Little Neck beach, now called 
Narragansett Pier beach, are enthusiastically 
described by the old writers. Dr. McSpar- 
ran says he " saw some of them [the horses] 
pace a mile in little more than two minutes, 
a good deal less than three," ^ a wide mar- 
gin on a race nowadays, when fractions of 
1 America Dissected, Updike, p. 514. 



SUPPLIES HIS NEIGHBORS 65 

a second are reckoned. They had great en- 
durance, and were capable of carrying heavy 
burdens in addition to their rider, and many 
a journey to Boston, or into Connecticut, did 
they make. This was a valuable animal, for 
which sugar, molasses, tea, and indigo were 
exchanged. Tea is first mentioned in the 
account book in 1750, when it cost ^3 4^". 
per pound, and is now mentioned in 1766 
at ^8 in the highly inflated currency. 

In this year the accounts begin to be 
kept in lawful money, as well as old tenor, 
but the habit of old tenor prices seems to 
have been so strongly fixed that often both 
are given, and the lawful money, on a specie 
basis, is changed first into old tenor. In 
1767 "One old Horse " was sold to Row- 
land Robinson, for ^3 \^s. lawful money, 
for which one hundred pounds, old tenor, 
were paid. The same year William Cong- 
don, son of Joseph, is debtor — 

To one Bay Horse five years old @ 
500 lbs. & one-half Hundred w*. of sugar, 
such sugar as was Set at 8 Dollers the 
Hundred, clean & of a bright colour. 
Getting his supplies in these large amounts, 
College Tom seems to have in turn sup- 
plied his neighbors in smaller quantities. 



66 COLLEGE TOM 

The following letter was found between the 
leaves containing the account of Jeremiah 
Willson, — 

January y^ 13 Day 1769 
freind Thomas Hafzard. I should been 
at your houfe before Now but I have been 
Confined to my houfs with an Very ill 
turn of Sicknefs but I am much better 
In health Pleafe to send me three or 
four pounds of your Shugare and I Defire 
to Pay you In A few Days I have the 
promis of Money but I Defire to go this 
Day where I Expect some from yor friend 

Je' Willfon 
Two pounds of sugar at thirteen shillings 
a pound old tenor were sent him the same 
day, and toward the end of the year the 
entry comes, — 

1 769. I gave a Receipt for the Whole 
of Jeremiah Willfon' account on y^ oppo- 
site side. 

No consideration is mentioned, his " very 
ill turn of Sickness " probably having settled 
the debt. There were two Jeremiah Will- 
sons,^ son and grandson, of Samuel Willson 
the Pettaquamscut purchaser mentioned in 
Judge Sewall's letter.^ It is difficult to de- 

1 Potter, History of Narragansctt, p. 293. ^ Appendix. 



BLACKSMITHING 67 

termine which this was, as the younger Will- 
son was born in 1726, and his father might 
also have been living in 1 769. The Willson 
woods, north of Peace Dale, are still called 
after the first purchaser. 

In 1770 College Tom paid " 25 dollars in 
full for a Horse for Rob\" the eldest son, 
and the next year occurs a curious entry of 
mixed currency and instruction. 

1 77 1 9''' 4'^ mo Powel Helme D*" 
To 7 weeks and six days keeping of y^ 
Coddington Horse @ i'^ of Chocolat per 
week 

Credit by thy instruct? my Robert in 
the art of Navigation in Part (^ 5 shil- 
lings Zd. 

Chocolate is first mentioned in the account 
book in 1754 at fourteen shillings a pound, 
and in this year, when it paid for the horse's 
keep, and offset the instruction in the art of 
navigation, it cost forty shillings a pound old 
tenor, or one shilling and sixpence a pound 
in lawful money. The same year " i fatt 
Horse " cost forty dollars, or twelve pounds 
lawful money, which puts the dollar at six 
shillings as we still have it. 

These horses had to be shod, and Joseph 
Hull was the blacksmith who did it. It would 



68 COLLEGE TOM 

be interesting to know where he got his iron 
from. " Iron works for refining " were be- 
gun on the south branch of the Pawtuxet 
by Richard Greene in 1741 ; the metal used 
was probably obtained from the bog ores of 
southeastern Massachusetts.^ But however 
obtained, it was an article a worthy farmer 
should prize highly, and we find the individ- 
ual shoes for the horses mentioned, as in the 
following entries : — 

1769 Joseph Hull 
One pair of Shoes set on y^ hipt Mare 

and he found Iron for i Shoe. 

By making y^ shoes and shoeing my 

Bald Mare I found ye Iron 

By Shoeing my old Bay Mare I found 

old Shoes. 

By shoeing my Horfe and my old mare 

Each a pair of Shoes before. 

The same Hull also made a " Hetchel at 
three shillings old Tenor per tooth 320 
Teeth, 16^." A "fire Pann " of his mak- 
ing cost three shillings and 250 clout nails 
thirty-five shillings. He sharpened plough 
irons and made " Snibills for three chests," 
and " Nib Irons." In 1770 he is credited 

^ Weeden, Economic and Social History of N. E., vol. 
ii. pp. 497-500. 



NAILER TOM 69 

with "Shuting my Bucket Hook." This 
seems to have been almost his last employ- 
ment, for Joseph Congdon, Jr., soon begins 
to shoe the horses. In 1774 he sets five 
pair of shoes on five horses at seven pence 
one farthing a pair. Also he is credited 
" By shoeing Rowland's Horse fore only 
I found the Shoes" at the same price, so 
it seems probably the shoes were found 
on both occasions. Rowland Hazard, the 
youngest son, was born in 1763, and was 
already established with his horse at the age 
of eleven. His father soon after allowed 
him to purchase an acre of land, the deed 
of which is still in the possession of his de- 
scendants. " Tommy's horse " is shod be- 
fore at i^. 8^. \ the next year. 

Another blacksmith who was quite a 
famous man in his day is not mentioned in 
this account book, which has scanty entries 
after 1770. Thomas Hazard, son of Ben- 
jamin, " Nailer Tom," as he was called, in 
his diary has constant references to dealings 
with " Cousin Hazard," for College Tom 
was his own cousin, the eldest son of his 
father Benjamin's eldest brother, so that 
there were thirty-six years between them. 
Nailer Tom's mother was Mehitable Red- 



70 COLLEGE TOM 

wood of Newport, and having lost both 
parents early, he was apprenticed by his 
guardian to a blacksmith, and became an 
excellent one. A journal of his, covering 
the period from 1778 to 1 781, is in the Red- 
wood Library in Newport, and has been 
published.^ Constant mention is made of 
Cousin Hazard. He often dined with him, 
quite regularly after meeting, apparently. 
He " held the harrow for Cousin Hazard," 
" made stone wall for him," hoed corn for 
him, and on June 13, 1779, " Went to Provi- 
dence in Cousin Hazard's Chaise." This is 
said to have been the first chaise in Narra- 
gansett." Nailer Tom also " Drawed rods," 
made nails, " fixed Cousin Hazard's chaise," 
made buckles, bits, and sturrtips, and put 
irons on the toes of his shoes. He also shod 
horses, as in August, 1 781, when "Cousin 
Hazard finished mowing. Shod Watson's 
young mare, She hurt my hand."^ 

Horses were perhaps the most important 
of the domestic animals, since they not 
only worked the farm, but were the means 
of locomotion. There were few roads in 

^ NarragaHsett Historical Register, vol. i. Nos. 1-4. 
2 Ibid., p. 295. 
* Ibid., p. 284. 



CARTS AND TEAMS 7 1 

the South County in the middle of the last 
century, but bridle paths led from one great 
estate to another, through endless gates, the 
survivors of which may still be found in the 
"hill country" of Matunuc. But the farm 
could not be properly worked without oxen, 
in our ancestors' opinion, and the account 
book has an early mention of a yoke bought 
in 1750 for £1^0. A horse the same year 
cost only fifty pounds, which seems to show 
the relative value, though the horse is not 
described as to age, or merits. Two years 
later, when potatoes had just doubled in 
price, a milch cow and calf cost ^160, and 
a three -year -old -horse ^150. So a ratio 
is dif][icult to establish. In 1755, a yoke 
of oxen cost £12^0 and an old black trot- 
ting mare ;^55. Few oxen seem to have 
been bought, probably most of them were 
raised on the farm. The spring ploughing 
was done by oxen then as now, and the sea- 
weed brought up from the beaches in the 
autumn. 

The teams and carts were also let to 
neighbors. In 1 766, Adam Gould is debtor 

To my Team & one Hand to cart stones 

J day 45-. 4^ Lawful 

To Two pair of oxen to help him Plough 



72 COLLEGE TOM 

Two days each pair at 2s. '^ Lawful per 
day 
Andrew Nichols has in the same year — 
My Team & Cart & man to cart wood 
four days at one & half Doller per day 
;!^i.i6^ Lawful 

This again reckons the dollar at six shil- 
lings, and the six dollars (thirty-six shillings) 
is carried out directly in pounds and shil- 
lings. The following entry is also interest- 
ing : — 

1770. 13"' 6 mo. Jos'' Torrey ^^ 
To the Mash on Spectacle Island, To 
my four hands besides Tho' my Son & 
Team assisting in mowing Raking & 
Bringing off ^s. d^ 

To Carting of it to thy house beside As- 
sist, work that afternoon ^4 old Ten. = 
3^ Lawful 

1773 To carting one Load of Cole from 
Ministerial Farm 9^ 

Nova Scotia coal had been brought for 
many years to Boston, and this most proba- 
bly came in at the South Ferry, or at Rob- 
ert Hazard's wharf on Boston Neck. Powel 
Helme had — 

I pair of oxen three times to ye ferry & 
to Littlerest. 



TANNING 73 

And Dr. Torrey had — 

My Cart & oxen going up to George 

Gardners Mill for Boards, 
for which service as early as 1 750 he paid £2. 

With horses in constant use saddles were 
of course necessary. In 1753 a man's saddle 
cost thirty-three pounds. Three years later 
a new pillion cost six shillings, a bridle fifty 
shillings, and mending a side-saddle twenty- 
three pounds, five shillings. Stirrup leath- 
ers cost one shilling and four pence. The 
leather was all tanned and dressed near 
home. Constant entries occur. In 1757 
beef hides sold at five shillings a pound. 
The largest transactions in leather are with 
Colonel John Potter, and a third seems to 
have been a very usual rate for the tanning. 

James Rodes was an early tanner, and in 
1757 " Drefsed to y' halves " the skins sent 
him. The following year they were to be 
dressed at the same rate, " or 5 shillings per 
Pound old Tenor to be at my Election when 
done." In 1759, " This year \ for Drefsing 
& 2 Sheep Skins." Colonel John Potter 
also took the skins, as in the following en- 
try, with its pleasing liberty of spelling : — 
1764 John Potter Coll' 

The 4th 7th month. To one ox hide. 



74 COLLEGE TOM 

one bull hide, one Heifer Hide and one 
Calve skin all which he brought from 
Jeremiah Brown's Tan-yard, and six 
Cave skins his Boy Carried from my 
Houfe, He to have one third for Tan- 
ning the Beef hide and Tanning and 
Currying the Calve Skins. 
In 1777 Paul Green was the tanner. To 
him were delivered — 

Ten calves skins Two of them eat much 
with Rats two Swine skins four Beef 
Hides all to be Tanned and the Calves 
skins Curried for one third the Hoog's 
skins to be Dressed for Saddle Leather. 
1778. 4"" mo 3. 

Sent by Tommy to Paul Green Five 
Beef Hides & one Horfe skin in all Six 
skins of Creatures of full groth ; Two Veal 
Calve Skins & one Skunk Skin much eat 
by the Doggs he is to Tann & Curry 
the Calves for one Third. 5"" ii"" day 
Carried Two Veal Calve Skins to Pay s^ 
Green 

William Little was the shoemaker in the 
fifties. In 1756 he made "Shoes for son 
Rob* making i at 25^., he found the Sole 
Leather, the other at 20i-;" an odd way of 
reckoning the individual value of each shoe. 



SHOES AND SHOEMAKERS 75 

He also made heels for women's shoes. 
Why heels should have given trouble is dif- 
ficult to imagine, but Nailer Tom in 1781 
records that he " fixed the heels of Cousin 
Hazard's Shoes." ^ Three years later shoes 
were six pounds a pair. In 1 768, John Sher- 
man makes twelve pairs of shoes for twenty- 
four pounds, and seems to have all the shoe- 
making of the house to do. He is paid, — 
1768 For Making and Repairing Shoes 
for ye Family ye year Past and his find^ 
some Women's Heats (hats) amounting 
to the sum of ^75.00.00 
As with the large quantities of sugar, so 
with the leather, Thomas Hazard's neigh- 
bors had the advantage of his stores. Vari- 
ous entries occur of pieces of leather such 
as this, — 

1 78 1 John Torrey D"" 
To part of a Calve Skin enough to cut 
out a Pair of Shoes at 3^ Lawful 
A large reduction in price from 1763, when 
"Leather for a pair of shoes" cost ^5. 
The farm must support itself, and not only 
in life must the " creatures " serve their 
master, but their usefulness still continues 
after the riding and ploughing is done. 

1 Narragansett Historical Register, vol. i. p. 177. 



CHAPTER V. 

Cows. Ferry to Newport. Hay, Beef, Veal, Milk, Butter, 
Cheese. Cheese-press. Phillis. Dr. Joseph Torrey. 
The Ministerial Farm. Rowland Robinson. " Stout 
Jeffrey Hazard." Sarah Hazard, widow. 

If horses were important to the early 
farmers in Narragansett, and oxen were 
essential to the work of the farm, it was 
more truly the cows which brought in the 
revenue, and were the main dependence of 
the country. The climate of Narragansett 
is well suited for cattle, the mild winters 
demanded comparatively little shelter for 
them, and the fodder was excellent. Marvel- 
ous stories are told of the hay crops grown 
upon Boston Neck. The grass was said to 
be waist high, and more luxuriant than at 
present in the new fields of the far west. 
Under these favorable conditions the pros- 
perity of the country rapidly increased. In 
1748 we find that John Gardner^ of South 
Kingstown prays the General Assembly to 
grant him the liberty of keeping a ferry 

1 R. I. C. R., vol. vi. p. 242. 



HAY AND HA YSEED 77 

between South Kingstown and Jamestown, 
as he is provided with " a good wharf and 
Pier situate in a convenient and commodi- 
ous place." He represents to the Assembly 
" that the inhabitants, trade, and commerce of 
this colony have so far increased of late that 
the ferries established on the Narragansett 
shore, and the boats employed in that service 
are not sufificient to transport with conven- 
ience the numerous passengers, their large 
droves, various effects, and merchandise ; the 
boats often being crowded with men, women, 
children, horses, hogs, sheep, and cattle, to 
the intolerable inconvenience, annoyance, 
and delay of men and business." This ur- 
gent petition was duly granted. 

In 1750 hay sold at ^20 a load, at which 
rate seven loads of hay would pay for 
a yoke of oxen in the same year. There 
was an exceedingly dry season all through 
New England in 1749, which may have af- 
fected the price. In 1755, when prices had 
risen, it was still ;^20 a load, and a yoke 
of oxen cost ^130 only. Little hay was 
sold ; but few entries of it occur. Probably 
only enough for home consumption was 
raised. Herd's-grass seed was twenty-five 
shillings a quart in 1 764. In 1 760 Henry 



yS COLLEGE TOM 

Shearman is debtor " to one load of good 
Hay for which he is to mow 13 days in 
next season of Mowing." Nor was much 
beef disposed of from the farm. Beef hides 
have been mentioned, and the roasts prob- 
ably appeared on the family table. In 1765 
beef was sold at 4^. (^d. per pound, and five 
years later at five shillings. In 1778, when 
the currency was on a specie basis, it is reck- 
oned at ^d. per pound, while pork is three 
farthings higher, and cheese at <^d. It was 
evidently not held in great esteem as an arti- 
cle of food. Perhaps the oxen were too hard 
worked. Veal is a shilling a pound more, 
and pickled pork three times as much as 
beef. " A neat beast " sold at ^65 in 1768, 
but that was only £2 %s. df\d. lawful 
money. Milk sold at a shilling a quart in 
1752, and continued at that price for some 
time. Four years later it was sixpence 
more. Butter was 5^. 6d. a pound in 1750, 
and rose to seven shillings the next year. 

But cheese was the important product 
of the farm. College Tom does not seem 
to have disposed of it himself, but sold his 
cheeses to some one person who exported 
them. For several years James Helme was 
the man. In 1754, 3627 pounds were made 



CHEESE 79 

which sold at three shillings the pound, 
bringing ^545 17^. The next year only 
2769 pounds were made, which sold at the 
same price per pound. The quantity made 
decreases as the price goes up. In 1756, 
2496 pounds sold at five shillings, and in '57 
1909 pounds at 6^. 6d. In 1763 there is 
more made again, twenty-eight cheeses of 
2830 lbs. weight, which brought ten shil- 
lings a pound. 

The 4th of y^ 7"" 1759 had in y^ Cheefe 

House 46 Cheefes new milk with them 

in y^ Prefs & 8 Cheefes made every 

other day at first & one we have eat. 

In 1 765 occurs this entry : — 

^th ^th j^Q_ Numbered the Cheefes made 
this year and there were in y^ Cheefe 
House of new milk cheefe new made 22 
and 2 in y^ Prefses & one amaking the 
whole number 25. 

^th gth j^Q^ Q^^ Qjjg cheese. 

One cannot help hoping that it proved 
to the good farmer's liking. 

In 1766 there was an effort by the Gen- 
eral Assembly to force a return to a sound 
currency, and in this year the cheese is 
reckoned at twenty pounds weight for a 
Spanish milled dollar. Twenty-four hun- 



So COLLEGE TOM 

dred weight of cheese was made this year. 
The year following, Rowland Robinson, the 
brother-in-law of College Tom, took a hun- 
dred and nine cheeses of about the same 
weight at the same price. The old tenor 
bills were firmly rooted, however, and the 
next 5^ear John Dockray has the product of 
cheese, some twenty-seven hundred weight, 
at eight shillings, old tenor. Two years 
later, 1770, still another rate is used, three 
thousand odd pounds being sold to David 
Green at /^d. \ lawful money. Nineteen 
years later, 1 789, one of the last entries in 
the book has cheese at the same price. 

The presses for these cheeses were made 
near home. In 1772 Daniel Dye is credited 
with four days' work, " Made i Cheese prefs 
and I Coffin Phillis. ^4." 

So life and death are mixed ! How often 
must Phillis have filled the presses, for she 
is doubtless the prototype of that ancient 
negro of famous memory whom " Shepherd 
Tom " has celebrated as his grandfather's 
never-to-be-forg^otten cook. It was a com- 
mon name among the Narragansett negroes, 
and in College Tom's household she would 
be well cared for, and was evidently decently 
buried. The Phillis of " The Jonny-Cake 



BUYING STOCK ol 

Papers " could not have been this one, as 
she died more than thirty years before 
" Shepherd Tom " was born. 

Several interesting purchases of cows 
were made, as when Jonathan Hazard, of 
Newport, in 1762 bought 

I Winter Milch Cow & Calf @;f 150. 
He is credited By 11 Dollers @^7 £^T. 
By Seventy-Three Pounds old Iron 73. 

A pound of iron, and a pound with the 
delusive sterling mark evidently were of 
equal value. 

In the same year — 

Rec"^ of Thomas Robinfon of Newport 
to the Value of one Hundred & forty 
Eight Spanish Mill^ Dollers in Gold & 
Silver as Calculated by Docf Rob' Haz- 
ard from Whofe Hand I Rec^ them. 

f^ mo 1762 Jos^ Congdon gave his note 
of Hand for 100 of s^ Dollers as he had 
ye same to Buy Cows in Cuttnecticut & 
myself gave note for forty & 8. 
In 1664 when corn was at eighty shil- 
lings, old tenor, per hundred, and a pair 
of shoes cost nine pounds, occurs the fol- 
lowing entry : — 

Rec'd of Jos'^ Torrey by the Hand of his 



82 COLLEGE TOM 

wife 14 Spanish Mill"^ in gold & Silver to 
buy a cow for him in Connecticut. Re- 
turned 8 dollars some cop"" i cow to s'^ 
Torrey. 

That is to say, the cow cost a little less 
than six dollars in actual money. A jour- 
ney into Connecticut is evidently indicated 
for the purchase of cattle, perhaps to the 
same farmer near New London visited in 
the early days. 

Mention has already been made of Joseph 
Torrey. In 1770, — 

2 J St J St j^-^Q_ Settled accounts with 

Doc"" Joseph Torrey and there is Due to 

me upon Ballance the full Sum of Seven 

Pounds six shillings 9*^ old Ten"" having 

first Deducted his acct^ both for Phisick 

and the Labour of his man Cuff. 

This Dr. Torrey was an interesting man, 

a physician both for the body and the soul. 

He came from Boston to Narragansett, and 

was married by Dr. McSparran in 1730 to 

" Elizabeth Willson, at the house of Jeremiah 

Willson in South Kingstown." ^ She was 

probably the daughter or sister of the friend 

who wanted " Shugare'^' as before noted. The 

following year four gentlemen wrote to Bos- 

1 Updike, p. 117. 



THE MINISTERIAL LANDS 83 

ton to have Dr. Torrey settled among them 
as minister, and on May 17, 1732, he was or- 
dained by the Reverend Samuel Niles/ He 
is called the " first incumbent of ordination." 
He immediately laid claim to the ministerial 
lands, and a long and tedious lawsuit was 
the result. The gift of land for the support 
of an " orthodox person" in 1668 has been 
already mentioned. It seems the phrase- 
ology of the gift was left purposely indefi- 
nite. The purchasers at a meeting in 1692 
wanted to assign it for the use of the Pres- 
byterians, but Jaleel Brenton, Esq., argued 
that it would damage them in estimation 
" at home," that is, England, if they gave so 
much to the Presbyterians and nothing to 
the Church ; " and therefore," he said, " if 
you will be ruled by me, we will not express 
it to the Presbyterians, but will set it down 
to the ministry and let them dispute who 
has the best title to it ! " ^ The dispute did 
not come for thirty years, but when it did, 
was long and pertinacious. As the land lay 
unclaimed, in 1702 Henry Gardner entered 
upon twenty acres of it, and James Bundy 

1 Potter, Early History of Narragansett, p. 123. 

2 For a full account of this controversy see Potter, His- 
tory, p. 123, and Updike, p. 70 and following. 



84 COLLEGE TOM 

upon the remaining two hundred and eighty, 
which he sold to George Mumford in 1719. 
Upon the arrival of the Church of England 
missionar}^ Mr. Gardner promptly surren- 
dered the twent}^ acres he held. Mumford 
retained possession of the larger tract, in 
spite of various suits for the recover}^ of it. 
In 1732, after being twice defeated in court, 
Dr. Torrey, who laid claim to the whole tract 
in virtue of the confimiator}- grant of 1679, 
appealed to England, and obtained posses- 
sion of the two hundred and eighty acres, 
which he conveyed to six trustees who 
leased it " to Robert Hazard, gentleman," 
and Dr. IMcSparran brought suit against 
him as terre-tenant. The original grant of 
166S having come to light, Dr. McSparran 
wished to have " one real suit upon the 
whole title." In his defense, Robert Hazard 
put in as answer '' two pleas in abatement, 
three pleas in bar, and finally on the gen- 
eral issue of Not Guiltj-." It was in mak- 
ing these pleas that his manuscript copy 
of " Coke on Littleton " and the fine edi- 
tion of Dalton's " Country Justice " probably 
helped him. After various suits and counter 
suits it went to the King in council, and 
finally on the 7th of IMay, after more than 



LAWSUITS IN THE COLONY 85 

thirty years of litigation, Dr. McSparran was 
defeated, and the lands confirmed to Dr. Tor- 
rey.^ This lawsuit, in which College Tom's 
father had so active a part, no doubt had its 
influence in forming the wish to educate 
him for a lawyer. Dr. McSparran complains 
that there are " a vast many lawsuits " in the 
colony, *' more in one year, than the county 
of Derry has in twenty." ^ He himself was 
not loath to engage in them, as we have seen, 
and in a new country the troublesome ques- 
tion of boundaries always occasions them. 
As late as 1722, when the dividing line be- 
tween North and South Kingstown was run, 
the line is described, " and so continuing said 
course as near as we could for the badness 
of the way." ^ Such boundaries were not 
conducive to clear titles, and endless confu- 
sion often resulted. Beside his preaching 
Dr. Torrey practiced medicine, and had also 
some farming. The " Mash " on Spectacle 
Island was his, as before noted, and from his 
long association with Robert Hazard the 
friendship between the families seems to 
have been close. 

1 Appendix, Paper in this case, Affidavit of Foxcroft and 
Chauncy. 

2 Updike, America Dissected, p. 515. 

3 R. I. C. R., vol. iv. p. 316. 



86 COLLEGE TOM 

Shepherd Tom, in his interesting " Rec- 
ollections of Olden Times " recalls hearing 
of the good doctor in his young days. He 
lived, he says, in a house that stood about 
a mile from the village of Tower Hill, on 
the south side of the road leading west, still 
called the " Tory lot." 

" I the more particularly remember old 
Parson Torrey," he continues, " from a uni- 
form way my father used to tell me, when I 
was a small boy, the old Presbyterian had 
of reproving his son, a very naughty boy, 
to whom he would say with great empha- 
sis when he behaved amiss, ' Why ! I am 
ashamed of you, John ! I am ashamed of 
you ! ' " 

This son of Dr. Torrey 's also appears in 
the account book, — 

1 78 1. Settled accounts with John 
Torrey (for weaving) and there is due 
him the Ballance of Seven Pounds Four- 
teen Shillings at the rate of four Pounds 
p'' bushel for Corn 

These were old tenor prices again, with 
corn at eighty shillings the bushel. 

Rowland Robinson, who took the cheeses 
for several years, was a man of marked 
ability, hot tempered, and hasty, " a man of 



ROWLAND ROBINSON 8/ 

violent passions, but of a noble benevolent 
nature," one of his descendants remarks. 
He had constant quarrels with his neigh- 
bors, but was really most generous. In his 
later years he quarreled with his nephew and 
namesake Rowland Hazard, and threatened 
to cut him out of his will, but ended by 
leaving him much of his land. The tragic 
fate of his beautiful daughter Hannah has 
been fully told.^ From their fine house, 
still standing on Boston Neck, she managed 
to run away with her lover, a young French 
gentleman. Soon after her marriage she 
began to pine for a reconciliation with her 
father, the more so as her husband proved a 
man of light and fickle character. She was 
finally carried back to Narragansett upon a 
litter, only to die in her father's house, who 
bitterly mourned her loss, which his harsh- 
ness had certainly done something to occa- 
sion. She is still spoken of as the unfortu- 
nate Hannah, and this bit of tragedy rises 
from the leaves of the old account book, 
associating itself with the name of Rowland 
Robinson more closely than his generous 
deeds, or broad acres. 

The pasturing of cattle also added to the 

^ T. R. Hazard, Recollections of Olden Times. 



88 COLLEGE TOM 

income of the farm. There are only one or 
two mentions of a man famous in local his- 
tory, — Geoffrey Hazard, " stout Jeffrey " as 
he was called. The first is very early in the 
book, with the date unfortunately obliterated: 
4'^ of 6'*' mo Carried my oxen to Jaffeory 
Hazard to Pafture Carried my cow y^ 
16*'' of 6*'' month Carried 3 Heiphers 21'' 
of y^ 6*'' month 

Apparently they were not well cared for, 
for — 

9"" of ye q'*" mo one of y^ Heiphers 

was in my upper Pafture & Harry told 

me he saw her some days before in y^ 

Training Lott. Drove her to Pafture 

again the 13"' of the Same Month. 

This Geoffrey Hazard was famous for his 

strength. He is reported to have lifted 

two-year-old colts, and to have been able to 

drink from the bung-hole of a barrel of cider, 

holding it above his head. A great stone lay 

for many years where he lifted it and threw 

it down. The story is that some slaves 

were building a wall, and had this stone on 

skids, but were unable to move it. Seeing 

Geoffrey Hazard come riding by, they called 

to him for help, as his strength was famous 

throughout the country-side. But he was 



STOUT JEFFREY HAZARD 89 

displeased at their familiarity, and lifting 
the stone off the skids, threw it on the 
ground, where it lay until brought to Peace 
Dale by Rowland Hazard. It is now in 
front of the house at Oakwoods, inscribed : 

Stout Jeffrey Hazard lifted this stone 
In pounds just 1621 
In South Kingstown he lived and died 
God save us all from sinful pride. 

But the usual records in the account 
books are of cattle brought, not sent, to 
pasture. In 1762 " Peleg Peekham brought 
9 Cattle to keep," and " Andrew Nichols 
brought his Father's Cow to keep by y^ 
week @ ;^3 p'' week." Samuel Willson, 
Eber Shearman, and many others brought 
cows to keep, among them College Tom's 
mother. Robert Hazard died in 1762, and 
the sons were left to care for their mother. 
Her accounts came regularly, — 

1765, 20^'' 5"' month Mother Hazard 

Took away her Cows & left her Calf with 

me to keep. 
In December of the same year College Tom 
" Took a Black Cow to keep for my mother," 
and in 1766 " Settled acc*^ with my mother 
Hazard & took a Receipt for her annual 
legacy." Then after a few years comes the 
entry, — 



90 COLLEGE TOM 

Sarah Hazard Widow 
Job Took away Mother's Cows y* y'*" day 
of the 2^ month 1772. 
The 7*'* 6"' mo 1773 Settled this ace' as 
alfo for Mother's CofHn with Brother Job 
Watson. 
This was " Sister Sarah's " husband, with 
whom " Mother Hazard " seems to have 
lived, though Shepherd Tom says she died 
in Newport. There is only one other men- 
tion of this lady ; in the Regiftor of Death. 
Sarah Hazard widow of Robert Haz- 
ard late deceafed departed this Life the 
i^' day of the 2"^ month Call'^ February 
1772 about half after Eight o'Clock in 
the evening being the f^ day of week 

aged ']'] years the of the Eighth 

month CalP August 1771. 
So it was a week after her death that her 
cows were taken away. They were prob- 
ably the wide-horned, red-skinned cows of 
Devon extraction which have come to be 
the native of Rhode Island, giving milk 
rather scanty in butter-making properties, 
but excellent for the cheese which Narra- 
gansett became famous for. Upon their 
meek heads a large part of the prosperity of 
the country was built. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Sheep and Wool. Spinners and Weavers. Martin Reed 
the First True Manufacturer. His Character and Meth- 
ods of Work. Colonel George Hazard's Mill. Linen. The 
Women who spun. Stockings and Mitts. Tailoring. 

If the details of the early Narragansett 
life seem somewhat hard and prosaic, when 
we turn to the sheep there is an atmosphere 
of pastoral simplicity, an air of leisure 
and contemplation, that surrounds the great 
flocks. The country, with its hills and dales, 
its fine grass and abundant water, was well 
fitted to support the timid creatures who 
contributed so much to its comfort. Some- 
times in severe winters they suffered greatly. 
Dr. McSparran, writing in 1752, says that he 
had seen the Atlantic "froze as far as the 
human eye could reach." ^ In 1 780 there 
was a cold season long remembered, when 
the bay was frozen over, and not a ship 
moved in Newport harbor. In one of these 
cold winters a great flock was snowed in, 
in the little ravine on the east side of Tower 

^ Updike, America Dissected, p. 525. 



92 COLLEGE TOM 

Hill, near where the Tower Hill House now 
stands, which is still known as Dorothy's 
Hollow. The story is that their shepherdess 
braved the storm to try to rescue them, but 
perished herself with her sheep. Tales are 
also told of a flock edging into the sea, the 
exposed sheep taking refuge behind the 
others less exposed, till all were drowned. 
But such winters were the exception, and 
little shelter was usually provided for the 
flocks. At Anthony's on Point Judith the 
wall of a sheep-fold of the old pattern can 
still be seen. It is a high stone wall, run- 
ning east and west, and not long ago still 
had its roof. The fold was open entirely at 
the south, except for the timbers that sup- 
ported the roof. Such rude shelters were 
common, — perhaps not unlike the places 
where shepherds watched their flocks by 
night centuries ago. In the early days there 
was still need for watchfulness. The Wolf 
Rocks beyond Kingston were occupied by 
their first inhabitants until quite recent 
years. Dogs, however, were not the trouble 
they are now. In fact, the sheep were so 
much more valuable than the dogs, but 
small consideration could be given any dog 
who developed worrying instincts. 



SHEEP AND WOOL 93 

The great farmers all had their own 
flocks, each sheep with a distinctive ear 
mark. The South Kingstown records con- 
tain pages registering the different ear 
marks, and Nailer Tom duly mentions a 
change in that used by College Tom. Dr. 
McSparran mentions "butter, cheese, fat 
cattle, wool, and fine horses," as the prin- 
cipal products of Narragansett. Again he 
says, " I mentioned wool as one of the pro- 
ductions of this Colony, but although it is 
pretty plenty where I live, yet if you throw 
the English America into one point of view 
there is not half enough to make stockings 
for the inhabitants."^ He adds that he 
wishes " Ireland were at liberty to ship us 
their woolens, which we shall always want." 
The poor Doctor complained bitterly of the 
weather: "We are sometimes frying, and at 
others freezing," he says, and he evidently 
longed for his own Irish homespun. 

Thomas Hazard did not sell very much 
wool apparently, but raised enough to 
clothe his household. One hundred pounds 
is the largest sale, recorded in 1766, when 
it sold at 14J pence lawful. This must 
have been a particularly fine lot, for the 

1 Updike, America Dissected, p. 516. 



94 COLLEGE TOM 

same year another sale was made at nine- 
pence a pound. The following year " Old 
wool and Dagg Locks " sold at fourpence 
half-penny a pound. This dag-locks, as we 
should write it, is an interesting word, from 
the Scotch " daggle," a drizzle of rain, hence 
anything daggled was moist, or draggled, 
and dag-locks were the long skirts of the 
sheep's fleece. In March, 1769, a man is 
paid for "one day's Work at Daging 
Sheep." The use of this word suggests the 
presence of Scotch shepherds in Narragan- 
sett. The prices of wool mark the depreci- 
ation of the currency very clearly. The 
first year of the account book has it at eight 
shillings old tenor. It rises to twenty-eight 
shillings, three and a half times as much, 
in nine years. After the spasmodic effort 
after specie payments in 1766 and '67, in 
1768 it is at thirty-two shillings old tenor. 
The entries of prices of wool are infrequent, 
however, as most of it was for home con- 
sumption. 

Hind-quarters of mutton were often sold ; 
and a saddle of mutton was a favorite roast, 
which must often have appeared on the 
home table. In 1 750 a few sheep brought 
forty shillings each, and in 1767, twelve 



SOUTH DOWN STOCK 95 

pounds old tenor, or nine shillings lawful. 
Some efforts were made to improve the 
breed, which degenerated somewhat from 
the original South Down stock, and Row- 
land Robinson imported a fine South Down 
ram. His anger can be well imagined 
when he discovered that a lazy negro, who 
was in the habit of helping himself from his 
flock, had killed this valuable beast to fur- 
nish a roast to his family. There were also 
a few of the short-legged "creeper" breed, 
which were prized by their owners. South 
County mutton is almost as famous as its 
turkeys, as the sweet grasses and broken 
surface of the country are particularly favor- 
able to sheep. 

Of the shearing there is no mention, 
though Nailer Tom records both washing 
and shearing sheep for Cousin Hazard,^ 
but the wool was often combed at home, as 
in 1778, when Valentine Ridge is credited — 
By combing at my house 40 lbs. of wool 
By combing at thy house 33! lbs. 
He also combed warjied at fourteen shil- 
lings old tenor a pound. Dr. Torrey's son 
John was a weaver as before noted, and this 
wool comber was very probably a son of 

^ Narr. Hist. Register^ vol. i. p. 280. 



96 COLLEGE TOM 

Master Ridge, the Irish schoolmaster of 
Tower Hill, a man noted for his strong 
character and courtly bearing. Shepherd 
Tom thinks he probably left Ireland for po- 
litical reasons, and he would naturally in 
coming to the new world select the place 
where his countryman, Dr. McSparran, was 
settled. In a new country each man must 
count as an individual, and there seem to 
have been few of the social lines drawn 
which exist in an older community. The 
doctrine and practice of the Friends on this 
point was doubtless not without its influ- 
ence, and there was no apparent descent 
in the social scale from a physician to a 
weaver, or a schoolmaster to a wool comber. 
Those who knew the older generation of 
Narragansett men will recognize that they 
were truly no respecters of persons ; a man 
was a man, no matter what his surround- 
ings, and to be treated with a respect the 
degree of which was measured only by his 
character. 

The wool thus combed was spun on the 
"woolen wheels," smaller and stouter than 
the linen wheels also in use. Hannah 
Greenman, widow, in 1761 is credited with 
" 30 skeins, 4 knots of Worfted spun for 



WEAVERS AND WEAVING 9/ 

US at six shillings per skein." She also 
spun Linen yarn at the same price. Daniel 
Knowles, " son of Daniel late deceased," in 
1776 spun both worsted and Lining yarn. 
In that year he spun thirty skeins of Kersey 
yarn at eight shillings. James Carpenter 
of West Greenwich spun Linnen yarn, and 
also carded and spun Tow yarn. He was 
also a weaver of tow cloth diaper, but in 
general the spinning and weaving seem to 
have been done by different persons. 

Robert Martin is the earliest weaver 
mentioned, who in 1753 wove " 30 yards of 
Linning Cloath, at seven shillings, and 22 
yards of Ticking'' at the same price. If the 
varieties of linen corresponded with the spel- 
ling, they must have been numerous ! The 
ticking was for the great feather beds, so 
universal in all the comfortable houses, 
and so valuable that they were mentioned 
in the wills of the period. Eber Shearman, 
Jr., of North Kingstown, was an accom- 
plished weaver. He wove Sarge cloth at 
six shillings, tow cloth at four, linning, 
striped cotton and linning, plain cotton and 
Linning, Planning, sarge worjled, blue cloth 
Sarge, and half Dtiroy. This last is inter- 
esting. We still have corduroy, and the 



98 COLLEGE TOM 

sixteen and a half yards of " half Duroy," 
woven in 1755, would doubtless make a 
stout riding suit. " Gardner ye weaver at 
Tower Hill," Benedict Oatley, and Joseph 
Jesse have a share in the weaving for the 
household from 1756 to 1760. The price 
in 1757 is fixed at twenty shillings a pound 
for wool, which they received of Thomas 
Hazard " to be paid for in weaving at the 
rates following: Tow at 3^. 6^., Flanning 
3^-., Worfted at ^s., and other cloths at the 
same rate." Benedict Oatley, in 1 760, wove 
" about twenty-six and three-quarters yards 
of Tow Cloth, about One yard of Which was 
wove Kerfey." He also could weave striped 
cloth and wove "one piece Chex." William 
Taylor, in 1756, is paid "for Scouring and 
fulling one piece of Cersey," and " dyeing 
scouring Pressing & Shearing one piece of 
Sarge." The Indigo for dyeing cost a dollar 
and a half per pound in 1 766. Some was 
obtained the same year in barter for the 
pacing horse at £\2 old tenor a pound, a 
dollar being reckoned at eight pounds. 

But Martin Reed^ was the prince of 
weavers of the old time. The first mention 
of him is in 1763. After that the entries are 

^ Updike, p. 283. 



MARTIN REED 99 

frequent. He is called of North Kings- 
town, for his house was near the old St. Paul's 
church, of which, for many years, he was 
the devoted clerk. He was left an orphan 
at the age of seven, and just before the 
death of his widowed mother was appren- 
ticed to a diaper weaver. According to the 
old custom this apprenticeship lasted till 
he was of age, and he only had one quarter's 
schooling. But he was ambitious, and de- 
termined to excel in his work. He studied 
at night, and eagerly read all the books he 
could find upon his chosen work. At the 
end of his apprenticeship he married the 
daughter of a diaper weaver, and with a 
single loom began his career, which was 
one of continued prosperity. On June 14, 
1 76 1, he was baptized by Mr. Fayerweather, 
and is called in the record " Martin Reed, 
the Parish Clerk, an adult." He was a 
most devoted attendant on the church 
services, and had the care of the church 
building for many years. He led the sing- 
ing, and under Dr. Smith's direction, with 
Martin Reed as leader, it is said, the 
" Venite " was first chanted in America. 
When the church had no rector, in the 
troubled days of the Revolution, it was he 



lOO COLLEGE TOM 

who read morning prayers, and the funeral 
service for the dead. His piety and sense 
stood him in good stead when Jemima 
Wilkinson, hearing he had called her a 
blasphemer, came down from her house at 
Little Rest, clad in her robes of state, and 
went to his house to overawe him, as she 
had many others. " Claiming to be the Son 
of God, she threatened that if he did not 
repent and humble himself, she would put 
forth her mighty power, and blast him and 
his family. He answered that he enter- 
tained no gods like her in his house, and 
that if she did not forthwith leave he would 
turn her out; on which she troubled him 
no more." ^ He used his musical ability 
in a practical way by constantly singing 
when at work with his journeymen and 
apprentices. The songs were Irish, Up- 
dike says, and he knew a great number, 
or if he did not sing he uttered " their airs 
by a melodious whistle, to which the work- 
men became so accustomed that it became 
to them a relief to their toils." In this 
primitive work-room, with its few hand 
looms, with the swift shuttle thrown cease- 
lessly to the accompaniment of the master's 

^ Updike, p. 285. 



COLONEL GEORGE HAZARD lOl 

voice, not only flannel, striped and plain, 
worsted, tow-cloth, and linen were woven, but 
broadcloth, and Cali7ninco. This last, which 
we are instructed to spell calimanco, was a 
glossy woolen satin-twilled stuff, checkered, 
or brocaded in the warp, so that the pat- 
tern showed on one side only. It was in use 
for dress occasions, and gentlemen of the 
old school had calimanco morning gowns. 
In 1766, Martin Reed wove twenty-three 
yards of it at sixteen shillings a yard for 
Thomas Hazard, and other entries occur. 
He also wove two " coverlids " that year, at 
eight pounds each. Thirty-four pounds 
four shillings were paid for weaving a 
" Piece of Broad Cloth, 57 yards." 

Updike calls Martin Reed the first manu- 
facturer in Narragansett, though there was 
a much earlier establishment of a woolen in- 
dustry. Colonel George Hazard, a brother 
of "old Thomas Hazard," in 17 19 gives to 
Thomas Culverwell for love and good-will 
" a Little part of my farme belonging to my 
now Dwelling house. . . . More Especially 
for ye Promoting of ye Wooling Manufac- 
tuary which may be for my benefit and the 
Publick Good." The bounds of this half 
acre are duly given on " the Saquetucket," 



I02 COLLEGE TOM 

and Henry Gardner for the same reasons 
joins in giving full power to make a dam. 
" The land that shall be Drowned by making 
of ye said Dam " was given to Culverwell ; 
" Which Dam is to be made for ye fulling 
of Cloth, and to ye Promoting of a fulling 
Mill." The deed expressly provides that 
if Culverw^ell "shall neglect to Keep and 
maintain a Good fulling mill," the lands and 
rights are to return to the grantors.^ This 
first dam upon the Saugatucket was upon 
Colonel George's homestead near Rose hill. 
Two years later Culverwell receives " one 
hundred pounds in Curr* pafsable money of 
New England " from George Hazard for a 
portion of this land with its buildings,^ and 
June 6, 1723, the whole was bought back 
from Culverwell, the land being specified as 
the same land Culverwell " purchased some 
time past of the Aforesaid Hazzard, . . . 
with all houses out houses Mill or Mills 
there on standing: or beinsf with all the wa- 
ters and Water courses thereto Belonorino:." 
" Levery and Seizen" of this land was given 
by " Turf and Twigg," before witnesses who 
duly sign the memorandum.^ January 8, 

1 South Kings towji Records, vol. i. p. loi. 

2 Ibid., p. 197, 8 /bid., vol. iii., New Series, p. 5. 



THE MILL OF 17 2S IO3 

1725, Colonel George gives it all to his 
" Beloved Son Thomas Hazard Cloather," 
for " Natural Love and Tender affection," 
" With the Houfings Miles Prefses Shears 
and other things which may tend or Belong 
to the Cloathing Trade &ct." It is most 
generously given, "from henceforth as his 
own proper Estate and goods absolutely 
without any manner of condition. " ^ So 
it was a great - uncle of College Tom who 
started the woolen " manufactuary," with his 
naive expression of hope for his own bene- 
fit as well as the public good. No mention 
of this mill is made in the account book. 
There were the plain hand weavers, but 
Martin Reed seems to have been the best 
in the country-side. All the gentry came to 
him, and he seems to have been the only 
one who could weave calimanco. Benedict 
Oatley, in 1767, weaves worsted plain, and 
Sarge, also " 1 2 yards plain Broad Cloth," 
for which he took in payment some mutton, 
corn, and ten and a half pounds of gammon, 
at twelve shillings a pound. This word 
comes from the French jambon, and we 
trust the good weaver enjoyed his salted 
and smoked pork. 

1 South Kingsiowti Records^ vol. iii., New Series, p. 136. 



104 COLLEGE TOM 

Nicholas Brags wove linen, Benedict 
Oatley also, both fine and "cors," and Martin 
Reed as well. The flax was apparently 
grown upon the farm, and doubtless much 
of it spun at home under the eye of the 
mistress. The last entry in the book, 1790, 
records, " Rutter the old Black man Drefsed 
for me flax." In 1761 Hannah Greenman, 
widow, spins " linnen yarn " at six shillings 
the skein. Some is spun by the weaver 
James Carpenter, in 1768, at eight shillings, 
and woven into diaper at ten shillings a yard. 
He also makes a charge for "boiling and 
washing the yarn that made S'^ Cloth." In 
1775, John Gould "took 2\ lbs of Flax to 
Spin 8 Scains to y^ pound." It was his 
wife who did it, as a subsequent entry shows. 
Astress Crandall was a famous spinner of 
both linen and worsted. She spun " card- 
work " as well, and has a special entry for 
" spinning doubling and drefsing i skain of 
stocking worfted three double." Her ac- 
count for spinning for the two years end- 
ing in 1778 amounted to over a hundred 
and eighty-seven pounds, old tenor. The 
friendly relations of the good farmer's house- 
hold to their humbler neighbors is shown in 
the following entry, — 



ANDREW NICHOLS 105 

1776 John Smith Paid ye above Charg 
of I & J bushels of Corn in his Wifes 
Whitening linnen Cloth for my Wife 
when they settled 

" Debb," doubtless a colored woman from 
the absence of a surname, spun yarn for 
stockings and mittens, and then knit " said 
stockings and mitts at 4 pounds 18 shil- 
lings, old Tenor." She was carefully paid 
i'^ mo 20'^ day 1778. This was six years 
before the emancipation act. Stockings are 
seldom mentioned; a pair in 1756 cost 35 
shillings, and a " Linning Handkerchief " in 
the same year 22 shillings. 

The tailor who made the cloth into suits 
of jackets and breeches was Andrew Nich- 
ols. Eunice Nichols, probably his wife or 
daughter, is called tailoress, and she doubt- 
less visited in the great houses, making the 
gowns for the good dames. Andrew Nich- 
ols had the constant work of the house ap- 
parently; for he is first mentioned in 1757, 
and last in 1779. At the earlier date, — 
1757 Paid Andrew Nichols for mak- 
ing one jacket, and mending one Pair of 
breeches, 55 shillings. 
He seems to have been a man fond of read- 
ing, a good Friend, as the records show, and 



I06 COLLEGE TOM 

to have cut the coats of broadcloth in the 
proper shape. In 1769 he is debtor — 

To one book entitled the Principles & 

Precepts of ye Chriftian Religion &ct at 

10^ old Ten. = 4^^^ 

9*** 12''' Settled Accounts with Andrew 

Nichols, turning our accounts into old 

Ten*", and his amount^ to one Hundred & 

thirty-nine Pounds old Ten"" and there is 

the Ballance of iii". ^% in old Ten' due 

to Andrew Nichols. 
As early as 1751 comes the entry of all the 
necessaries for a suit, presumably sent to 
Andrew Nichols to make. Richard Haz- 
ard, College Tom's brother, has it, — very 
probably the half of an importation of the 
Devonshire Cerfsey and trimmings. The 
account reads — 

Richard Hazard D"^ 

1 75 1. To one Three year old Horfe ^105 

6 Yards of Devonfhere Cerfey @ ^6. 36 

\ yd of Shalloon @ 24/ 

\ yd of Fufton @ 34/ 

\ yd of ozenbridgs @ 1 2/ 

\ yd Cotton Velvit @ £-] 

4 yards of Tape @ 6^^ 

To Two dozen of Buttons @ 10/ 

To 2 ftiks of Twift @ 5/ 

\ oz of silk at 40/ 



TAILORING 107 

I have been unable to determine what ozen- 
bridgs were. They are mentioned only 
once again in 1763, when Jane Nash had 
"i i ^ iV o^ ozenbridges @ 38^." From the 
fact that it was sold in such small quanti- 
ties, and used by both men and women, it 
would seem to be some kind of stiffening, 
for the collar possibly. Years later College 
Tom's grandson manufactured a very coarse 
cotton and wool cloth which he called Os- 
naburg. Was it possibly from a remem- 
brance of this word in his childhood } 

In 1770, Andrew Nichols is credited with 

^\ days Work at Tailoring 2^ 3"^ 
^th ^mo gy Cutting 3 Pair of Trowfers 
for my boys & i p' for W"" Pratt @ (blank) 
By 2 days Work making my jacket 
& 5 days y^ same month making 
Cloths for the children. 
This account is paid by pounds of veal, but- 
ter, beef, lamb, mutton, and " corn i Bushel 
when thou Pafs"^ from P* Judith." In an- 
other account Andrew Nichols has a thim- 
ble at six shillings and a saddle cloth and 
white sheep's skin. The thimble was 
doubtless a commission, for as College Tom 
went to Newport or to Providence in his 
chaise, we can fancy him stopping along 



I08 COLLEGE TOM 

the road, and with the courtly air his grand- 
sons inherited inquiring if there were " any 
commands." 

Some of the latest entries in the book 
relate to Andrew Nichols. In 1777, when 
money was on a better basis, and corn at 
three shillings a bushel, he is credited — 

By making one pair of breeches for 

Tommy 6 shilling 9 pence 

By making one pair for myself 9 shillings 

1779 To making a great coat and close 

body coat 1 5 shillings 
In the matter of clothes the country was a 
thoroughly self-sustaining one. Every step 
necessary to the production of clothing was 
taken in the immediate neighborhood, from 
the shepherd who daggd the sheep, the 
wool comber who combed the wool, the 
spinners who spun, and the weavers who 
wove, all went in regular order till Andrew 
Nichols made the cloth up, and Thomas 
Hazard went to meeting clothed in a suit 
made from wool of his own growing. 



teyfd J. Brarer to rtctive 



tee:.. 













U 









- '? 






'If 




* # 
.^)^ 






FOUR DOLLAR BILL 



CHAPTER VII. 

Corn bought from the Indians. Its Uses as Food and as a 
Medium of Exchange. Prices of Corn from 1751 to 1784. 
Its Grinding. The Men who worked at Husbandry. 
Difficulties of the Currency. 

Who that has seen a great field of corn 
waving in the summer sunshine can fail to 
be impressed with its beauty ? When it is in 
tassel, and the tufted plumes nod and bow to 
their neighbors, as the light breeze rustles 
through the leaves, it is indeed a fair and 
stately sight. The year is at its prime dur- 
ing the hot August days that bring its per- 
fection. Beautiful as a great field of wheat 
or barley is, with its ripples of light and 
shade, like the play of an inland sea, yet the 
corn, with its stately height, its luxuriant 
sabre-like leaves, its blossoms fringed with 
pendulous anthers, and its silky tassels 
sheathed in satin wrappings, has an indi- 
viduality of its own, a pride and dignity of 
growth befitting the native of a new world. 
From the time when Squanto taught the 
early Plymouth colonists to cultivate it, this 



no COLLEGE TOM 

stately plant, so bountiful and so beautiful, 
played an important part in the history of 
New England, and often furnished both 
food and a medium of exchange. 

Narragansett from times immemorial was 
celebrated for its corn. John Oldham 
brought five hundred bushels from there to 
Boston in the Rebecca in 1634. " The In- 
dians had promised him one thousand bush- 
els, but their store fell out less than they 
expected." ^ A couple of years later this 
hardy trader was killed on Block Island, and 
an embassy was sent to Canonicus to treat 
about the murder. They were " entertained 
royally," the old account says, and the first 
huckleberry pudding on record was made for 
their feast. The Indians boiled " pudding 
made of beaten corn," we read, "putting 
therein great store of blackberries, something 
like currants." ^ If for blackberries we read 
" black berries, something like currants " we 
have a good description of the huckleberries 
which still abound in Narragansett as they 
did in this late July or August of 1636. 

1 Winthrop's Journal. Quoted in Potter, Early His- 
tory of Narragansett^ p. i6. 

2 Johnson, Wonder Working Providence. Quoted by 
Potter, p. 18. 



INDIAN CORN III 

On Broad Rock Farm, some of the land 
owned by College Tom, and still in his 
family, two of the Indian caches for corn can 
still be seen. They were small hollows in 
the ground roughly lined with stone, not 
more than a foot deep at present ; perhaps 
three feet long and two wide. Here the 
stores of corn were buried, or as in the 
Great Swamp fight, put in baskets and tubs 
and set in the wigwams. The destruction 
of this supply in the fight was one of the 
severest blows to the Indians. During this 
very summer parched corn has been picked 
up on the site of this battle, now more than 
two hundred years gone by. The fire, which 
destroyed so remorselessly, charred these 
tiny grains, which are preserved just as they 
were when it smouldered and died so long 
ago. 

The virtues of Rhode Island jonnycake 
have been celebrated by College Tom's 
grandson. Shepherd Tom,^ as he delighted 
to call himself, and when he says Rhode 
Island, it is usually Narragansett he means. 
The reader is instructed just how the corn 
should be ground, at what rate the stones 

1 The Jonny-Cake Papers, by Shepherd Tom. Published 
by S. S. Rider, 1882. 



112 COLLEGE TOM 

should revolve, and what kind of stones they 
should be. The baking is seriously con- 
sidered ; the middle board of red oak from 
the head of a flour-barrel is indispensable to 
bake it on, and the fire before which it bakes 
must be of walnut logs. Hasty pudding, 
porridge so good that it was respectfully 
mentioned in the plural as " them porridge," 
dumplings, and a store of other dainties, 
all excellent and wholesome, are treated of 
with the romantic remembrance of a joy- 
ous youth full of health and high spirit. 

The corn that furnishes these homely 
dishes has its own history. There is some- 
thing fine in its stability, while financiers 
and legislators experimented with the cur- 
rency and ran through the whole period of 
inflation with its worthless fiat money. A 
bushel of corn still furnished just so much 
food, and instead of being measured in value 
by the money of the day, often became itself 
the measure of the value of the currency. 

As early as 1630 efforts were made to 
regulate the price by arbitrary methods. It 
w^as at that time twenty shillings a bushel.^ 
The following year it was made receivable 
for debts in the Plymouth Colony unless 

1 'Wtt&fCifEconomtcatid Social Histoiy of A\E., p. 98. 



PRICE OF CORN II3 

beaver or money were mentioned/ From 
1637 each year for several years the rate 
was fixed at which taxes were to be paid in 
it. Three shillings was about the normal 
rate, with variations either up or down ac- 
cording to the season, until the period of 
inflation began. Indeed it had already be- 
gun, as the Spanish piece of eight, the 
Spanish milled dollar of our acquaintance, 
was set at the same time at five shillines.^ 
A century later the colonies were all suffer- 
ing from a debased currency. Massachu- 
setts, as we have noticed, received " country 
pay " again for taxes, in which corn was re- 
ceived in lieu of money. Rhode Island was 
issuing one bank after another, and the 
currency steadily depreciated as the credit 
of the colony declined. In 1751 a Spanish 
milled dollar cost £2 \6s. in old tenor bills, 
and College Tom sold his corn at 25 shil- 
lings a bushel. Then it steadily rises. Six 
years later it was 35 shillings, and in 1759 
had reached 60 shillings, touching 100 
shillings in 1762 — the highest price men- 
tioned at all. The next two years must 

1 Weeden, Economic and Social Hisioty of N. E., 

p. lOI. 

2 Ibid., p. 142. 



114 COLLEGE TOM 

have brought better harvests or the local 
demand must have varied, as it is quoted 
at 90 shillings and 80 shillings, while in '65 
it was at 100 shillings again. The spas- 
modic effort to reduce the currency to a 
specie basis in 1766 only resulted, as before 
noticed, in making two sets of prices, and 
corn is quoted in the ^"^ month at 90 shil- 
lings old tenor, or 3 shillings lawful money, 
after harvest, that is, while three months 
before it had been at 100 shillings or 3^. %d. 
Then it seems to have settled at 80 shillings 
old tenor, or 3 shillings lawful, for a num- 
ber of years, recalling the price in the early 
days. This seems to have been the nor- 
mal rate. In 1778 College Tom makes an 
agreement with Sier Averit, an Indian, who 
very likely was baptized by good Dr. Mc- 
Sparran as Josiah, setting forth what work 
he is to perform, and the payment for it, 
forty dollars for the term of eight months 
for which he is engaged ; " The value of 
which money is hereby agreed on between 
the Parties." Pork was to be at 34 pence 
per pound, beef at 3 pence, cheese 5 pence, 
and Indian corn at 3 shillings a bushel.^ 
This agreement is signed by the Indian, the 

1 Appendix, Contracts for Labor. 



CORN PA YS DEBTS 1 1 5 

same man who a couple of years later had 
ten dollars for his " sickness and trouble." 

Not many transactions in corn are re- 
corded. In 1767, Adam Gould was paid 
for fourteen and a half days' work, four of 
which were days' mowing done by his sons, 
seven bushels and three pecks of corn, one 
" Fatt lamb," and one Spanish milled dollar. 
In 1784, some debt seems to have been 
paid in corn, and the entries are carefully 
made of its disposition. About twenty-five 
bushels are accounted for : — 

1784 Corn measured out of the Corn 

1 had of Joseph Collins in ye ist mo. 
4 bufliels to Carry to Mill. 

i'' \ and & 3 Quarts took by Rob'. 

2 bufhels for John Shearman. 

2 bufliels for Nicholas Holway. 
2 mo. 4 bufliels sent to mill for the Fam- 
ily. 

3rd mo. 2 Bufhels sent to mill for the 
Family. 

20th. 4 bufliels sent to mill for Ditto. 
\ a bufhel & 4 Quarts exchanged for 
onions. 

20 one Bufliel Paid Nicholas Gould. 
20 three Pecks & 4 Quarts paid Nicho- 
las Gould 



Il6 COLLEGE TOM 

29 Two bufliels for ye Family ufe. 

This Joseph Collins was the good Friend 
who wrote a beautiful hand, and whose tran- 
scription of the " English book of Disci- 
pline " is among the precious volumes be- 
longing to the South Kingstown Meeting. 

There were several mills near by to 
which the corn was taken to grind. Benny 
Rodman's mill was on the Saugatucket, 
where the Peace Dale dam now is, shaded 
by the big buttonwood tree, which tradition 
says was once his horsewhip, and which 
has grown where it was thrust into the 
ground. The stones, of native granite, of 
this mill, were said to be good, — far better 
than the stones of Coon's mill, lower down 
the stream, which were coarse grained and 
made " round meal " instead of " flat." ^ 
But the best meal was ground at Ham- 
mond's mill, at the head of the Pettaquam- 
scut, and it is probable that the corn sent 
to mill for "ye Family ufe," went on old 
Baldface's back, and was carried by The 
Mill boy, much as described by Shepherd 
Tom.^ Nor need this worthy have stretched 
the truth when he declared to the five-year- 

1 T. R. Hazard, R. I. Jotiny-Cake Papers, p. 3, 

2 Ibid., p. 49. 



OTHER CEREALS II7 

old boy that he had performed the same 
office for the father, and the grandfather of 
his grandfather. The child naturally re- 
garded him as a miracle of antiquity; but 
a man of seventy in the first years of the 
present century could easily have performed 
the pleasant service of riding with a grist, 
over the charming country to the head 
of the lake, for " old Thomas Hazard," 
who died in 1746, and it is even possible 
that a man then living could have ridden 
for Robert Hazard, the first Narragansett 
settler, though when we are asked to be- 
lieve that old Baldface had also served so 
many generations, we must have doubts re- 
specting the longevity of the horse if not 
of the negro. 

Beside the corn that was so important a 
factor in the colonial life, there are records 
of rye, which in 1756 was exchanged bushel 
for bushel for corn, oats at half the value, 
and barley at about ten shillings less. Of 
vegetables, potatoes and turnips were about 
half as valuable as corn, while onions in 
1767 sold at the same price per bushel. 
Apples were plenty, and cost half as much 
as corn in 1759, while one bushel of white 
beans in 1776 would buy two bushels of 



Il8 COLLEGE TOM 

corn. They seem to have been rare, for 
they are first mentioned in the previous 
year. 

The agreements with the men who 
worked the farms which raised this produce 
are carefully made/ and indicate very clear- 
ly the embarrassment of the currency. If 
our surmise is correct there were half a 
dozen negroes at least who had descended 
with the land, and were dependents upon 
the estate. Early in the book comes the 
entry, — 

Priamus a Negro Boy Came to live with 
me at my Houfe the week after ye Gen- 
eral Election Held at Newport for Gen- 
eral officers for the Colony of Rhode 
Ifland, in the year one Thoufand Seven 
Hundred & fifty seven, being six years 
old the Octob' following the s'^ Election 
which was held in May before. 
This boy had a life of adventure, as will 
appear, but lived in Narragansett until he 
came of age, in this respect following the 
old method of apprenticeships. Another 
" Negro boy," Oliver Smith — 

ii''' month 2f^ day, 1781 came to my 
house with his Mistrefs Elizabeth Smith 

1 Appendix, Contracts for Labor. 



LABORERS AT HUSBANDRY 1 19 

age 8 years the 7"" of the 8'^ month this 
Prefent year, who is to work for me for 
his Bringing up until he may have an 
advantageous opportunity to go appren- 
tice. 
Even this last memorandum was made 
three years before the emancipation of 
slaves in Rhode Island. In 1789, an agree- 
ment is made with " Jack Sanford a Black 
man to Labor with me at Hufbandry." He 
was to be paid " the value of Three Dol- 
lars p"" month, in articles and Produce off 
the farm." Corn is set at 3 shillings per 
bushel, cheese at 4^"^ per pound, " and other 
articles at a proportionable Rate in the old 
way, & in Cloathing as may be agreed if 
He needs any " 

One man in 1759 came on trial for a 
month, for which he was to receive " Thirty 
Shillings Lawful Money it being Connecti- 
cut Prock so called." Four years later it 
was agreed with Henry Hill to " Labour for 
me at Husbandry," for a term of ten months 
at the end of which he was to receive the 
"sum of 400 pounds old Tenor or the 
Value thereof in any kind of Bills or money 
current at the s'^ time." In settling his ac- 
count there is an interesting entry which 



I20 COLLEGE TOM 

throws light upon the customs of the day. 
He is debtor to half a quire of paper at 
thirty-four shillings, and " to \os. Paid Fox 
the scribe." What letters did " Fox the 
Scribe " write for him, and how often was he 
employed in such ways, one wonders ? Hill 
had also shoes, wool, and other things en- 
tered against him, and at the foot of his 
account is entered, — 

Settled the above ace' with Henry 

Hill when I Paid him for his Ten months 

Work done in the year 1764. 
Early in the book there seems to be a list 
of laborers : — 

Taken out of y^ Hampshire money 

Rec^ from Jeffrey Hazard — 
£2 to Lowes. (The " Lowes Jakeways 

Spinster " who will appear later.) 

4 Shillings to Jo Mash. 

30 Shillings to Robin 

£(i to John Daniel 

/18 to Patter 

^150 to Father 

^51 to John Docky- 
The last two of course are not laborers, John 
Dockray being a connection by marriage. 
One of these men who frequently appears in 
the book is recorded: 1764 16"' of y^ i'' mo 



UNSTABLE MONEY 121 

as having "left my Businefs & was Worf 
than his Bargain with me." 

Jeremiah Auftin, as he writes his name, 
appears frequently. A long account in 1 765, 
in which he is credited " By 8 days mow- 
ing in his own person " and by the mowing 
of his sons, and by seven days and a half 
raking, is not footed up at all, nor any 
prices given, but " sixteen Pounds old Ten"" 
in Cash " are paid, and in the following 
spring, — 

Settled all accounts with S^ Auftin & 
paid him y^ Ballance for which I took a 
Receipt in full of this date & is now 
amongft my Receipts. 
In 1673 Michael Dye agreed to work for 
eight months. He was to receive "400^ 
old Tenor, or an equivalent in Dollers at 
£•] p"" Doller, to be at my election." The 
next year, 1 764, a man was hired for seven 
months at ^360, old tenor, " or the equiv- 
alent in any other medium Current in the 
Colony of Rhode Ifland." The set of 
agreements make very instructive reading, 
and one regrets the loss of " the other 
book " referred to in this one, which may 
have contained more, and thrown still fur- 
ther light upon the workings of the vari- 



122 COLLEGE TOM 

able currency. As we have noticed, it was 
the produce which furnished the most stable 
values, and corn became a measure for other 
values. 

A useful man came to work in 1762, 
who not only worked at husbandry, but 
made shoes in wet weather, " if it shall beft 
agree with my conveniency," the agreement 
says. In addition to his wages a horse was 
to be kept for him during the term of his 
stay. Another man in the following year 
was to " labor at Carpentry " in wet weather. 
A curious agreement occurs in — 

1778. Jacob Barney Came to my Houfe 
the 19th of y*" 5"' month and went to 
work the Next day at Hatting (viz.) on 
the 20"' and is to Work four months @ 
Journey Work, and he is to teach my 
Son Tommy the Hatter's Trade & alfo 
another Lad if I require it & Provide 
one and I am to Pay Him the Common 
journeyman's W^ages in the ufual way 
(according to the N° of Hatts he Shall 
make in s'' Term) by the Hatt, and to 
find him his Board for his inftruction of 
the Lad or Lads as afores*^ 
This was in the early years of the 
Revolution, in the terribly disorganized 



HUSBANDRY DEFINED 1 23 

state of the country, and it was like the 
thrifty Friend, a hatter having come in his 
way, to have some one profit by learning 
what could be learned from him. Hats had, 
of course, fallen in price from the time one 
cost £ap in 1763, but it is interesting to 
trace the old system of journey-work. 

John Dye, " ye gardner," had higher wages 
for his more skillful work than the ordinary 
laborer. He worked at three pounds a day 
in 1764, and is debtor — 

26''' 4"' mo. To one Ten shilling Bill 
Lawful Money dated y^ 12^'' of y^ 5"^ 
month 1760 Turned into old Tenor ^14. 
Credit by 6|- days work at Gardening 
^19. \o\ 
This makes each shilling of lawful money 
count for twenty-eight of old tenor. 

But few farming implements are men- 
tioned. Rakes, to rake hay, have been no- 
ticed. In — 

1769 sent to Abijah Babcock's on y^ 

Tower Hill one Dozen Sythe Sneads 

to sell. Wm Dyre bought 2 y^ same 

year. 1770 Jeffry Watson bought one. 

Husbandry is defined as consisting of 

" Howing, Ploughing, Walling, Ditching, 

Fencing, Mowing, Haying and Milking 



124 COLLEGE TOM 

&ct." and also as " any kind of bufinefs to 
be done at Farming," which is even more 
inclusive. It was this business, which is the 
foundation of the wealth of a country, that 
engaged the labors of College Tom. Ham- 
pered as they were by the evils of the 
currency, the produce of the land yet sup- 
ported a prosperous people, until the final 
crash came, brought on by the political as 
well as financial difficulties, and the fine farms 
once so flourishing and productive were left 
to revert to their primeval condition. The 
people as well as the land became im- 
poverished, till in due time from the wrecks 
of a purely agricultural community manu- 
factures took their rise. 






IX 



.^ 






J 



\ 

■% 




K^ 



^ 



^- 






\l 



r 






CHAPTER VIII. 

The Feminine Portion of the Household. College Tom's 
Sisters. Women's Work. New Light Meeting. Semp- 
stry and Housewifery. Mrs. Hazard. Her Friends, 
Mrs. Helme, Mrs. Torrey, and Mrs. Robinson. "Affair 
against Mother Robinson." The Kitchen. Mrs. Hazard's 
Grandchildren. 

The record of the life of the feminine part 
of College Tom's household is far less full 
than that of the men. Some of the great 
houses are still standing in which the mistress 
of the last century lived, and ruled her small 
kingdom. Many a house was built with a 
fine gambrel roof, giving good attic room, into 
which the slaves were locked at night. The 
house often had two chimneys, built quite 
near together in the middle, taking up what 
in modern times would be used for a hall. 
One of these chimneys was the kitchen 
chimney, with its great open fireplace and 
brick oven built into the side of it. College 
Tom's house had only one main chimney, 
but that was twenty-three feet wide at its 
base.^ Pewter dishes, brass and iron pots, 

1 Narragansett Hist. Register, p. 293. 



126 COLLEGE TOM 

and " pot hooks and trammels " by which 
the pots for boiling were hung, were valu- 
able enough to be bequeathed by will. Rob- 
ert Hazard, the father of College Tom, 
mentions twenty-one silver spoons in his 
will ; " the largest silver spoons," silver " salt 
spoons," and " other silver spoons," he calls 
them. Sarah, his daughter, who afterward 
married Job Watson, has half " of all my 
Pewter Brass Iron and Wooden vessels " 
left her, " two feather beds with furniture," 
with one half of the tables and chairs, and 
also of " Cupboard, Desk and Chests." She 
is to have the privilege of living in the man- 
sion house with her mother until her mar- 
riage. Isabel and Phoebe, two slaves, are 
given her, and a thousand pounds old tenor, 
within a year of her father's death. The 
married daughter, Mary Champlin, having 
probably had a wedding portion, has only 
silver spoons, and five hundred pounds.^ 
Ten years later Stephen Champlin, her hus- 
band, died, and there seems to have been 
some trouble over the will, which Thomas 
Hazard settled. A farm was left to a 
younger son, Robert Champlin, which had 
still two years' lease to run. Stephen Champ- 

1 South KinQstown Records. 



MARY CHAMPLIN 12/ 

lin, who is called the " Son and Heir at Law," 
and also the executor and residuary legatee, 
in consideration of a lease made to him by 
his mother, " and for the Love, Goodwill 
& affection which I have and Do bear to- 
wards my said Brother Robert Champlin . . . 
and for Promoting & efstablifliing a lafting 
Peace unity and Harmony throughout our 
Whole ffamily," relinquishes his share of 
the rent for the two years the farm is still 
let. This paper is drawn by College Tom 
himself, in his hand throughout, and wit- 
nessed by himself and his wife. It seems 
to give indication of much family discussion, 
and one looks with interest to see the other 
lease. It also exists, written in the same 
hand, bearing the same date, February 5, 
1772, — a lease of five years from Stephen 
Champlin to his mother of a portion of a 
house situated in Point Judith, " under the 
yearly rent of one Pepper Corn to be paid 
unto the said Stephen Champlin, his heirs & 
afsigns always upon the 25* day of ye third 
month in every year of the said term." 

This is the old date of Lady-day for 
leases, though the consideration is some- 
what unusual. Poor lady, she only lived to 
pay the peppercorn one year, for before the 



128 COLLEGE TOM 

second 25th of March came round, she had 
joined her husband, having died on the 17th 
of that month, 1773. 

In a farming community the women 
ahvays have an important part of the work 
to perform. They looked after curing the 
feathers which composed the much valued 
feather beds. The dairy with all its labors 
was their care, to say nothing of preparing 
the food for the hungry farm hands. The ac- 
count book of Thomas, " son of Rob'," gives 
only scanty details of the work done by 
these worthy women. In 1756 Sarah Pugh, 
as she is sometimes called, or Pew at others, 
worked for nineteen weeks at twenty shil- 
lings a week. The kind of work is not spe- 
cified. In the same year Lowes Jakeways, 
spinster, worked ten weeks at the same price. 
She is charged with — 

\ yard Linnen Cloth at 28 shillings 

\ skein of Thrad at i shilling 3 pence 

To 20 shillings in cafli when she went to 

the New Light meeting. 
This is a reference to one of the sects 
spoken of by Dr. McSparran as abounding 
in Narragansett. The Friends meeting rec- 
ords have several mentions of them, and 
they evidently gave a good deal of trouble 



NEW LIGHT MEETINGS 1 29 

to the orderly minds of Friends. One man 
as early as 1 748 is denied his membership 
because he suffered Friends meeting " to be 
disturbed & broken up by the afores*^ Wild 
& Ranting people, which meeting was in 
his own houfe." ^ Twenty years later they 
were still flourishing, and a Friend is cast 
out, as he had joined himself in communion 
with " the people Called New lights and 
pretended to Justifie himself in being Dipt*^ 
in outward water." ^ They are called a 
*' Diforderly people," and are apparently of 
" dark and erroneous principles." A paper 
is on record where a good Friend condemns 
his conduct as follows : — 

" I did sometime past Inconsiderately at- 
tend a meeting of the people called New 
Lights and so far joined with them in their 
worship as to pull of my hatt which incon- 
siderate conduct of mine I freely condemn." 
It seems a little strange that a woman work- 
ing for College Tom should have been 
allowed to attend a meeting so much disap- 
proved of by the society, but it is another 
instance of the strong individuality fostered 
in Narragansett. In 1757, Sarah Bent did 

1 South Kingstown Monthly M. R., vol. i. p. 269. 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 199. 



130 COLLEGE TOM 

some work at twenty-five shillings a week. 
The wages increase with the depreciation 
of the currency, as before noticed, and in 
an agreement of 1759 comes an interesting 
provision for furnishing shoes at much less 
than the usual rate. There may have been 
a shoemaker in the house, as there was in 
1762, for in the year of this agreement 
some shoes cost six pounds a pair. Wo- 
men's shoes of the last century were, how- 
ever, much thinner than those worn by the 
stronger sex. 

6th Qf jst Mo A: D: 1759 Mary Dick 
began to Work and is to Work until y^ 
V'^ of y*" 4 mo @ 30/ p"" Week & from 
that Time until y*" end of ye eleventh 
month @ 40/ p' Week that is to say 8 
months of y^ year at 40/ & 4 at 30/ 
And she is to have Two pair of Shoes in 
y^ Year at £/^ the Pair, she to do the 
Houfehold work & ye Dairy both Butter 
and Cheese and other Bufsiness when 
Necefsary. 

Martha Nichols, probably a relative of the 
worthy tailor, has 20 shillings for "making i 
Gound." Senipstry is done by "Joanna 
Dugglass Single woman," who in 1764 
worked eleven weeks at seventy-two shil- 



WOMEN'S WAGES 131 

lings a week. For quilting she had eigh- 
teen shillings a day, and we can imagine the 
busy quilting bees at which she presided. 
The one in this year lasted ten days. Two 
years later Mary Chase agreed to work for 
one year " at the Value of 50 shillings old 
Tenor p"" Week for the Summer Seafon & 
forty for the Winter Seafon. She is to 
work at Houfewifery Spinning &c." 

Sarah Grossman is mentioned as doing 
tailoring in 1761, and Eunice Nichols, tail- 
orefs, has a long account in 1776;^ Jane 
Nash was another workwoman, and Amy 
Shearman has in 1755 "one pound in Cafh 
to pay for making her Bonet." Sarah 
Pugh already mentioned has " 2 Shillings 
in Cafh to buy a Comb," and in 1761 "^8 
in Cafh out of Pigg money." The follow- 
ing year " 14''' 7™° Sarah Pugh left us." 
These women's accounts are entered thus 
minutely, and the money paid often directly 
to James Helme. One woman has " Eight 
pounds in Cash to go to Tower Hill," 
which a woman in our day would prefer, 
leaving her at liberty to buy what she 
wanted at the country store ; though an- 
other apparently has given notice of her 

"^Appendix, Accounts of 1776. 



132 COLLEGE TOM 

intended purchases, for she is charged with 
money, " When She Went to James Helme's 
to buy her a Skirt &c." Lowes Jakeways' 
account is " Difcounted with James Helme " 
directly, she apparently having little to do 
with it. 

Death entered the kitchen, and took the 
kindly workers, as in the case of Phillis. 
"Venibee departed this Life the 3'"'^ of the 
I'' month 1759," we find, and then comes 
an entry in quite a different part of the 
book : — 

Borrowed of Tho^ Brown 53 feet of 

pine Board to make a Coffin for Venibee 

which he seemed willing to part with. 
Written across this is Paid y^ Boards. 

Beside these experienced women there 
must have been the children of the old 
slaves who were useful in the household. 

Thomas Hazard, Jr., writes to Rowland 
Hazard : — 

New Bedford, July 8, 1803. 

Patience, that our father and mother 
brought up has been here about ten days. 
She is very much deranged and so trouble- 
some in our house, that I was obliged to 
apply to the authorities and have her sent 



THE CHILDREN'S SCHOOL 1 33 

to the work-house where she now is, as 
we do not know in what town in the state 
of Rhode Island she belongs. I shall be 
much obliged by thy informing me immedi- 
ately on receipt of this, what town has to 
maintain her so that our selectmen may 
take the necessary steps to get her where 
she belongs, and to be clear of the expense 
and trouble of her. We are all as well as 
usual. With much love to dear Mother, thy 
wife and children in which mine join. 
Thy affectionate brother, 
Thomas Hazard, Jr. 

It would be interesting to know the life 
which this " dear Mother " lived in the early 
days of her marriage. She had the sorrow 
of losing her oldest child, her only daughter, 
at the age of six years, in 1753, and a baby 
boy who only lived four months. Robert, 
the oldest son, was sent to school at a very 
tender age. A record in exceedingly faint 
ink tells us that — 

Betty and Robert began to go to school 

to Rachel Nichols the [obliterated] 6 mo 

A : D : 1758 Rob' went but 2 weeks. 

Which one can hardly wonder at, as he was 

only four and a half years old. Again we 

find, — 



134 COLLEGE TOM 

Robert left off School the 4''^ of Octob' 

y^ 7^^ day of ye week 1 760. 

There were no Saturday holidays, evi- 
dently. 

One longs for fuller details of the visits 
which were made to the hospitable farm. 
What a winter journey that must have been 
when — 

Richard Smith of Philadelphia Came 

to my Houfe 23'''^ of y^ 12^'' mo Set out 

for boston the 16^ 1757 
Doubtless there were other visitors, but no 
record of them is preserved. 

In 1 771, there was a question before the 
meeting which must have interested the 
women, and sounds to us very modern, for 
it is the same question England is still dis- 
cussing, of the propriety of marrying a de- 
ceased wife's sister. A year later the mat- 
ter was referred to the quarterly meeting, 
and with the fairness of Friends the question 
was put, — 

" Query to be able to marry a deceased 

wife's Sister or Deceafed Husband's 

Brother and what is necefsary to be done 

in such Cafes." ^ 

Was it some special case which excited 

^ South Kingstow7i Monthly M. R., vol. ii. p. 267. 



THE GRANDCHILDREN 1 35 

this action ? One can fancy the long dis- 
cussions of it, in those days of ample lei- 
sure, on the long afternoon visits to the great 
farmhouses. Good dame Hazard seems to 
have taken little share in the women's meet- 
ings, or even in the festivities. She is at 
Nailer Tom's wedding, but many of the 
marriage certificates upon which the Thomas 
Hazard, fon of Robert, is found, have no 
Elizabeth Hazard near it. Her farm, her 
garden, and her children would keep her 
busy, while from her house on Tower Hill 
she could look into Newport Harbor, and 
count the ships as they sailed in and out. 
When her grandchildren, the children of 
her youngest son, Rowland, were born in 
her house, she is said to have been tenderly 
anxious over them, and especially devoted 
to the second bov, who was named after her 
husband and her father, Thomas Robinson. 
The reminiscences of Shepherd Tom, as in 
later years he liked to call himself, have 
often been alluded to in these pages. No 
passage is more charming than that in which 
he describes his efforts as a five-year-old 
boy to cut a log for his grandmother's fire, 
beginning early in the morning and finally 
rolling it in triumph into her sitting-room 



136 COLLEGE TOM 

at dusk. Many were the approving glances 
which followed him during the day, and the 
intervals of rest, in which kisses and dough- 
nuts played an important part.^ In the 
early life of this good lady. Tower Hill was 
still the seat of the court house and the 
centre of the social life of the country. It 
was here that Judge Helme lived, the Chief 
Justice chosen by the general assembly in 
1767, who distinguished himself for capacity 
and application.^ With the versatility of the 
time, he united several pursuits, — he kept 
the country store and for a year or two took 
the product of cheese from the farm. His 
wife, Esther Powell, the granddaughter of 
Gabriel Bernon, must have been a charm- 
ing woman ; " the dearest, the best, the ten- 
derest wife," her bereaved husband calls her, 
when in 1764 she died of "a pain in her 
breast, with great difHculty in breathing," ^ 
for which the modern name would be pneu- 
monia. The letters of her husband are 
most beautiful in the expression of his deep 
attachment, to this "dear dead partner" 
who has "left not her equal behind her." 
The whole family circle must have been a 

^ R. I. Jonny-Cake Papers^ p. 234. 
2 Updike, p. 336. 8 Jiid,^ p. 136. 



JUDGE HELME 137 

delightful one. It was Judge Helme him- 
self who plotted the Boston Neck purchase 
for old Thomas Hazard ; his son Powel in- 
structed Robert Hazard (son of College 
Tom) in "the Art of Navigation in part," as 
before noticed, and was credited for his 
teaching against pounds of chocolate. The 
horse which played a part in that trans- 
action is called "ye Coddington Horse," 
which belonged to Mrs. Helme's uncle, as 
Colonel Coddington married Jane Bernon, 
a daughter of Gabriel Bernon. A sister of 
Mrs. Helme's was the wife of Mr. Seabury, 
the clergyman at New London, and the 
stepmother of the first American bishop, 
who may have been the nephew who visited 
Mr. Helme at Tower Hill.' The Helmes 
seem to have been very liberal in their reli- 
gious beliefs, and it is pleasant to see that 
in spite of the lawsuit going on about the 
ministerial lands, Dr. McSparran and Dr. 
Torrey must have been on good terms per- 
sonally. Dr. Torrey married James Helme 
and Esther Powell in 1738, while Dr. Mc- 
Sparran baptized the first child, with Colonel 
Coddington, his wife, and daughter as sure- 
ties, a couple of years later. Some years later 

1 Updike, p. 138. 



138 COLLEGE TOM 

still, Dr. McSparran baptized two more chil- 
dren and read the visitation service for Mrs. 
Helme's mother, who shortly after died, 
and he preached her funeral sermon in Dr. 
Torrey's meeting-house.^ 

Mrs. Torrey lived a little below the hill. 
It was she who brought the Spanish milled 
dollars for the purchase of a cow in Con- 
necticut. She was a Willson, of the family 
of the Pettaquamscut purchaser, and a rela- 
tive of that Jeremiah who wrote the note 
asking for sugar, after his "very ill turn of 
sickness." Across the Pettaquamscut on 
the Robinson estate lived Anstis Gard- 
ner, the charming wife of Dame Hazard's 
brother, Rowland Robinson. There is men- 
tion of money in Rowland Robinson's ac- 
count in College Tom's book, which "my 
Wife lent his Wife, in her last sickness." 
There were many connections on both 
sides of the family, in South Kingstown, 
Conanicut and Newport. Latham Clarke 
married Martha, the sister next youngest to 
Elizabeth Hazard, and in 1752, in spite of 
Quaker principles, there is a — 

Memorandum in the affair carried on 

by Latham Clarke and myself against 

1 Updike, pp. 165, 166. 



AFFAIR OF MOTHER ROBINSON 1 39 

Mother Robinson. The Expenses to be 
equally Borne between us Viz' — to a fee 
in s'^ affair. 

To Mathew Robinfon to engage as 
attorney for us ;^i2. oo. oo 

To £Ae to David Richards as an attorney 
for us 4. 00. 00 

The next year the case was continued 
and forty shillings were paid — 

to Augustus Johnfon at Providence for 
drawing and entering reafon of appeal (on 
the ace' of admi° on the eftate of W™ 
Robinfon, late dec'', prefented to y'^ Town 
Council of So Kingstown and allowed by 
them, & appealed from by us to the Gov- 
ernor & General Council, which sat at s^ 
Providence.) 

This " Mother Robinson " was the step- 
mother of the two ladies. She had been the 
widow of Caleb Hazard, originally Abigail 
Gardner, daughter of William Gardner of 
Boston Neck, a sister of Mrs. Dr. McSparran, 
and aunt of Rowland Robinson's wife.^ So 
closely were all the families of Narragansett 
connected that this affair must have made 
some commotion, and given endless food 
for gossip over cups of strong Bohea tea. 

1 Updike, pp. 125, 126. 



140 COLLEGE TOM 

William Robinson left to each of these two 
daughters seven hundred pounds in bills of 
credit of old tenor, one good bed and bed- 
ding and a silver porringer,^ but their step- 
sisters each had twelve hundred pounds and 
a negro girl, so that may have been the cause 
of complaint against " Mother Robinson." 
The Friends Meeting Records contain no 
mention of it, though Friends are often 
appointed to deal with those who go to 
law, and the lawsuit of " Tommy Hazard the 
Blacksmith " and Nicholas Easton is fully 
detailed upon its pages. So it was proba- 
bly with the advice and consent of various 
Friends that this step was taken. 

The ladies of the neighborhood had 
their tea and chocolate at enormous prices ; 
the tea at from three to six pounds a pound, 
and the chocolate at forty-two shillings. 
A little velvet is mentioned in 1768 at ^13 
a yard. Binding for a Petty cote in 1761 
cost fifteen shillings, and buttons were a 
shilling apiece. Thread, a little earlier, was 
one shilling and sixpence a skein. In the 
kitchen things were very expensive also ; 
pepper was twelve shillings an ounce in 1 753, 
with nutmeg at the same price. A flask of 

1 S. K. Records^ William Robinson's Will. 



ELIZABETH HAZARD 141 

oil in 1755 cost twenty-six shillings, and 
raisins were eight shillings a pound shortly 
before. 

It is delightful to find the charming fam- 
ily relations which existed, and the devotion 
of her sons to Elizabeth Hazard. In 1801 
Thomas, the second son, writes, " I hope 
my dear mother has ere this received her 
flannel, and that the quality of it is such as 
suits her, it being the finest I could find in 
the town of Boston where I procured it." 
She had a hard trial to go through with 
the illness and failure of her husband, but 
was aided and sustained through it by her 
daughter-in-law. The changes of the time 
must have been hard for her also, for the 
whole country became greatly impoverished 
in her latter days, and she lived to see a 
new order of things. 

Under date of South Kingstown, Novem- 
ber 13, 1796, her daughter-in-law writes to 
her husband, Rowland Hazard, at Charles- 
town : " Thy mother desires her love to 
thee, my father's and brother's families, and 
says she wishes thee would come home. 
She thinks if thee were here everything 
would go on easy. I have no doubt it 
would relieve her mind of a great deal of 
anxiety." 



142 COLLEGE TOM 

The son did come for part of each year, 
both the older brothers having left home, 
and the grandchildren continued to be her 
pleasure and comfort. She survived her 
husband, and died in 1803, beloved by all 
who knew her. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Thomas Hazard's Farming. The Susquehanna Company. 
"A Letter from Quebeck." Paper Money. Varieties 
of Coins. Lending Money. Lotteries. Revolutionary 
Days. Non-resistance. "Trash." Rate Bills. Cattle 
Distrained. 

From the study of the account book of 
Thomas Hazard son of Robert, it is evident 
that agriculture was the main business of 
his life, as was the case with all the Narra- 
gansett planters. His homestead farm, which 
by will he leaves to his eldest son, ran from 
the "county Rhode," that is, the Pequot 
path of the early days, eastward till it was 
bounded by the Pettaquamscut River and 
cove. The sedge rights are also bequeathed 
with this farm, which is called about one 
hundred and fifty acres. To his youngest 
son he leaves a farm on the west of the 
road of about the same size. These are the 
only farms mentioned especially, the rest is 
spoken of as " all the Remainder of my 
Lands and real Estate." He had his grand- 
father's love of land, and beside what was 



'•I- 



C(>i.rj-:i:/-: ■i\)m 



Iffl l)im l)y Ilis f.ilIuT and inaiulfatlicr acldi^l 
to Ilis t'slalc 1))' |)iir(liasi'. In 17^).] lie 
houglil land in Westerly and "Charles 
Town" and lalei' some ni ("lanslon and 
I )aihn()nlli. I'he price ol land near home 
was very variahle. In 1 77S one acre was 
l)(tui;hl honi reic!'. Tec khani lor ./'21 , and 
len years later |iM(iniah VVillson sold thirty- 
seven acres lor ninety pounds. 

iU'side the land in South Kini;slo\vn, 
Thomas Ila/.ard and Ids brothers Jonathan 
and Kichard were lelt joint Iumis to their 
lalliei's inteicst in liie "Susquehanna C'om- 
))any " in whic h he is called a i)roprii'tor. 
'This eom|>an\- held its nu'i'tini;s at liart- 
IokI, 01 at W uulham in C \)imectiiut, and in 
i7()S, Thomas lia/ard madc^ a journey to 
the latter i)laii' to transact business, on his 
brother )onathan's account as well as lus 
own, and also for S. 1 la/.ard, — probably one 
ol the man\' Stephen I la/,ards, — who i;ives 
a power ol attoiiic) to " my I'liend ihomas 
I lassard, ol South Kinj^stown. " Kichartl, 
the third brotlur, died in \'](m as belore 
nuMitioncd. Ilis son Kobert's allairs si'cm 
to havi^ lallcn into scMue disorder, lor in 
I77() \w sii;ns a release of guarilianshij) to 
Thomas, his uncle, " not meaning hereby 



A LETTER FROM QUEBECK 145 

to discharge my former Guardian Enoch 
Hazard for any demands I have against 

him."^ 

But the money of the time presented 
great difficulties. As early as 1747, there 
were those who saw that the country was 
standing on treacherous ground. Among 
the papers is "a copy of a Letter from Que- 
beck," written from a French point of view 

and addressed to " Pr. M r in France," 

dated October 1 1, 1 747-' The " fmall petty 
Colony of Rhode-Island'' is declared to have 
"200 Sail of Veffels belonging to it and 
if the Governments are fuffered to go on 
making Paper Money, they will drive us out 
of this Part of the World, without any Help 
from their Mother Country." The making 
of paper money enabled the New England- 
ers to send home " vast Quantities of Gold 
and Silver," the writer continues, " having 
no use for the fame, so long as Paper Cur- 
rency anfwers for a Medium of Trade." 
But the " Farmers and Tradefmen have put 
their Land in Pledge for the Paper Money 
they fit out fo many Veffels with," so this 

1 Appendix, Release of Guardianship. 

2 Appendix, Letter from Quebeck. A copy of this paper 
is in the John Carter Brown library also. 



146 COLLEGE TOM 

wily pamphleteer advises sending large con- 
signments of goods to friends of France, 
who will take only cash ; " and by this 
Method procure all the hard Money that 
is ftirring amongfl them," at the same time 
petitioning Parliament to put a stop to the 
issue of paper money by the Colonies. " If 
this Method, great Sir, is induftrioufly and 
faithfully purfued and carried on we fhall 
unavoidably impov'irfh, diftrefs, and con- 
found them : All the lower Clafs will no 
more be able to pay for Clothing from their 
Mother Country, but muft be contented to 
live as they did of Old, to wander about in 
Sheep Skins and Goat Skins and to dwell 
in Caves and Dens of the Earth ; and thofe 
of the higheft Clafs will be obliged to leffen 
their Trade, fell their Veffels, and no more 
be able to fend Home to their Mother 
Country fuch Quantities of Silver and Gold. 
Then no more New England Invafions, 
no more beating down our walls at Cape 
Breton; and when we have another War, 
we fhall not only have their Money, but 
their Veffels, and their Men being poor 
muft feek Shelter in fome foreign Land." 

How widely this paper was circulated, or 
with exactly what intent, there is no means 



INFLATED CURRENCY 147 

of knowing. The whole subject of inflated 
currency has been ably treated,^ and our 
effort here may be confined to tracing the 
effects of the legislation on the prosperity 
of the community we are chiefly interested 
in. Numberless examples have already 
been given of the complexity of accounts. 
Finding the burden intolerable, in 1 766, the 
General Assembly, meeting at South Kings- 
town the last Monday in February, passed 
an act, reviving the act of 1764 for the 
"Speedy calling in and sinking of all bills 
of credit . . . called the Ninth Bank . . . 
let out upon loan; and likewise for putting 
a final end to the name of Old Tenor 
throughout this colony." 

As there was a considerable sum of these 
bills of credit outstanding, this act was to 
"continue in full force until all the said 
bills of credit emitted in the year 1750 be 
brought into the grand committee's office."^ 
This act accounts for the double prices 
which begin in this year. The habit of old 
tenor prices seems to have been too firmly 

1 Rider, R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8. Weeden, Eco- 
nomic and Social History of N. E., ch. xiii., The Period 
of Inflation. 

2 R. I. C. R., vol. vi. p. 482. 



148 COLLEGE TOM 

fixed to be altered suddenly, but a proper 
effort to comply with the law was made. 

The following year the account book has 
this entry : — 

The Act of the General Assembly for 

Fixing and afcertaining of Interest & for 

preventing excessive usury in the Colony 

and also for shortening y^ Time for the 

Redemption of mortgages was made at 

the Session held in the 6'^ mo 1767 to 

Take place 3 months afterwards. 

The country was full of lawsuits about 

mortgaged land. In the absence of banks 

each land-holder became a lender. The 

variety of coin used also complicated affairs. 

An entry in — 

1758 ^2 1-ioi-. Lawful money turned 
in old Tenor at ^5 \qs. the doller — 
makes a complicated sum. In 1766 comes 
a credit — 

To 3 Pistereens at "j^-^ Lawful 
Peleg Peckham, the good Friend who took 
cheese, sends in part payment, by his wife, 
as duly entered, — 

I piece of Gold of y^ Value of 8 Doll'^ 
and 4 Dollers in Dollers by ye Hand of 
thy Wife 
In 1768, also for cheese, Rowland Robin- 
son pays — 



VARIOUS COINS 149 

13 half Johannes equail to 104 Span, 
milled Dolers one was Light 
The "one was Light" should be read in 
parenthesis, for clipping coin was not un- 
known. This is a puzzling entry, for the 
Johannes in the same year is carried out — 
Two Johannes in Gold to y' Value of 
16 Spanish Mill^ Dollers £&,. 16. 00 

which counts eight dollars to the Johannes 
and six shillings to the dollar. The former 
entry counts the half Johannes at eight dol- 
lars also. It may be a slip of the pen, the 
word half being written by mistake. 

In addition to these coins coppers are 
also mentioned : — 

1774 10''' mo Jeffrey Watson Jr D' To 
I Vol of Sewels Hiftories at 18 Shilings 
& four Coppers expenses on it 2^ i 
Rec'd Two Dollars and four coppers of 
Jeffrey Watson jun in full 12^-, 2^\ \ 
which makes a copper equal a halfpenny 
and an eighth of a grain, and eighteen shil- 
lings of paper equal twelve of silver. This 
was one of the books subscribed for in 
Friends meeting, for which College Tom 
was appointed to take subscriptions. 

College Tom lent money to his neigh- 
bors ; and a few records of such transactions 



150 COLLEGE TOM 

are found. John Nichols was the son of 
the tailor, and one wishes the account of 
his journey was presented in fuller detail 
than in the following meagre entry : — 

1760 6"^ of y^ 4"^ mo Lent John Nich- 
ols four Spanish Mill'^ Dollars, his Brother 
Andrew present. Said John Nichols had 
at y^ Same time four Spanish MilF dol- 
lars, five Piftereens & Six half Pistereens, 
for which he is to ace* for with me when 
he returns from Bofton, being about to 
set out on that journey. 

^^ 6''^ mo. C^ By 2 dollers, & ace* of 
Expenses on a journey to Boston, 3 & a 
\ more. 

1 769 30*^ 1 1*^ mo By four Spanish mill'* 

Dollers Bl \ ^ ^-^ oi z. Doller it being 

in full ffor y^ Dolers mentioned above 

together with his expenfe mentioned 

above. 

There were various dealings with " Cousin 

George Hazard," who was in reality College 

Tom's nephew, but in the old fashion is called 

cousin. In this respect the Narragansett 

families were very clannish, and reniembered 

the cousinship to a remote degree. Indeed 

it sometimes happened that cousins of the 

same name were more closely related on the 



MONE V LENDING 1 5 1 

mother's side, so frequent were the Inter- 
marriages. In 1776 comes the entry, — 
Lent Cousin George Hazard 35 dol- 
lars, ^10. 10^. 
Then in — 

1778 8th month 4th day. Cousin 
George Hazard, son of Richard, borrowed 
of me '>j'] paper dollars. 
1779 3rd month 9th day. 
George Hazard, son of Richard, entered 
and occupied part of my house above the 
road, and is to give me $9.00 per annum, 
to be paid in labour at Hufbandry the next 
season, at 3 shillings per day for mowing 
and I & 6 for Howing and Haying 
The money lent or borrowed is often speci- 
fied, as in 1 764, when Thomas Hazard — 
Rec*^ of J^' Helme by the hand of his 
Son Powel y* sum of Eighteen Pounds & 
five Shillings Lawful money so Call^ of 
1759 date Exclusine y^ interest. 
This was returned in one month, as duly 
entered. Later in 1785, — 

3'^ mo 10^'' Lent Peleg Peckham Six 

Silver Dollars in the old meeting Houfe 

the day Dan^ Cafs was there. 

To add to the difficulties of the bad 

money, lotteries were in great favor. The 



152 COLLEGE TOM 

General Assembly granted the privilege of 
having one for all sorts of purposes, both 
public and private. In 1770 one was 
granted to build a meeting-house in Cran- 
ston, for some Baptists who complacently 
declare that they are " willing to devote part 
of their time to the public worship of God." ^ 
They wxre granted to build roads, to repair 
bridges, to build wharves, or to help people 
who had lost their property. 

These were the " days that tried men's 
souls," and the South Kingstown meeting 
was shaken by them, as will appear, but the 
account book gives no evidence of it until a 
later date. Rowland Robinson was a deputy 
to the general assembly, in the early seven- 
ties, and in 1776 went to Block Island bring- 
ing off beef hides. Block Island gave the 
government much uneasiness. " The pecu- 
liar situation of Rhode Island and the exten- 
sive sea coast had not escaped my mind," 
General Washington writes to Governor 
Cooke ; " I well know the enemy have it in 
their power to do it considerable damage 
unless there is a sufficient force to repel 
their attacks."'" April i, 1776, three large 
ships were seen off Conanicut, and Gov- 

1 R. I. C. R. vol. vii. p. 21. 2 Jijid,^ p. 505. 



REVOLUTIONARY RELATIVES 1 53 

ernor Cooke sent his son " express " to 
Washington at Cambridge with the infor- 
mation. 

Jonathan Hazard, College Tom's brother, 
to whom one half of the land west of Wor- 
den's Pond was left, part of the original pur- 
chase of 1 710, seems to have moved there, 
for in 1776 his son Jonathan was deputy 
from Charlestown, and in that year was sent 
to Block Island to apprehend John Wright 
for furnishing supplies or intelligence to the 
king. His instructions are " that Mr. Haz- 
ard earnestly exhort the inhabitants of New 
Shoreham to remove off from the island." ^ 
He is paid his expenses to Block Island to 
" apprehend disaffected persons," £'}^ js. 6d? 
He is also appointed one of a committee to 
examine suspected persons, with power to 
view " all desks, chests, or other suspected 
places under lock or otherwise." 

Thus actively were members of College 
Tom's family engaged in the cause of lib- 
erty. His principles of non-resistance, how- 
ever, were very firm ; there is no indication 
that he took any part in the struggle, except 
as an exhorter to quiet endurance, and a dis- 
tributer of aid to the suffering. 

1 R. I. C. R., vol. vii. p. 541. 2 /^iif,^ p. t,yy. 



154 COLLEGE TOM 

Matters were going from bad to worse 
with the finances of the colony. The Colo- 
nial Records are full of reports on the state 
of the money. The bills as they became 
due were burnt by the proper officer, but 
fresh ones took their place. A table of 
value of Spanish milled dollars is given in 
an act fixing the depreciation of continental 
bills for each month after January, 1777.^ 
One hundred Spanish milled dollars at that 
time were worth a hundred and five in 
paper. The price rapidly increases till three 
years later, in August, 1 780, they were worth 
seven thousand paper dollars, and May 30, 
1 78 1, sixteen thousand in paper. It was 
made obligatory to accept this depreciated 
paper in exchange for land, and the general 
distress can be imagined. During the sum- 
mer of 1786 all business was at a standstill 
in Providence and Newport, and the farmers 
allowed their produce to decay rather than 
sell to the merchants at the heavy dis- 
count they demanded. The forcing act 
was brought to the test and declared uncon- 
stitutional, in September.^ But the ruin 

^ R. I. C. R., vol. ix. pp. 282-424. 

^ Fiske's Critical Period of American History, pp. 173- 
177. 



PROTEST AGAINST TRASH 155 

was already widespread. I have been told 
by the youngest granddaughter of College 
Tom, that she had heard her mother re- 
late that her grandmother used to say she 
saw the money go out of the house in bas- 
kets full of gold and silver, and come back 
in bundles of rags. Not every one in 
South Kingstown accepted the " rags," as 
the spirited protest of William Knowles 
proves : ^ — 

Henry Potter and John Segar both of 
South Kingston on oath say that on the 
twenty-sixth day of Febr'y last past they 
saw Col. Samuel Segar make a tender of 
the sum of two thousand one hundred dol- 
lars unto M'. William Knowles of s'^ South 
Kingston to discharge two bonds & a note 
said Knowles had against said Segar, but 
the s'^ Knowles refused to take the same, 
saying that he would not take such trash 
as that was, but if s'^ Samuel Segar would 
pay him & in the same sort of money the 
said Segar had of the said Knowles he 
would take it. 

(Signed) Henry Potter. 

John Segar. 

1 Now in the Hazard Memorial, Peace Dale, with the 
paper money tendered. 



156 COLLEGE TOM 

Kings County to wit South Kingston 
March nth 1780 Henry Potter & John 
Segar subscribers to the above Deposition 
made Oath to the Truth of the same in 
order to perpetuate the same. 

Before Carder Hazard, J. C. Pleas. 
S. Perry, Jus. Peace. 
William Knovvles 

cited but did not attend. 







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In April, 1780, money was at 4000 paper 
dollars for 100 silver, and it is small wonder 
it is called " such trash." 

But Thomas Hazard carried out his Qua- 
ker principles. He enters his Rate bill this 
year and the following, and makes the entry 
for his son as well : — 

Rate Bill 1780 Sign'^ by Rob' Potter 

Town Treafurer for Raifmg Continental 

Soldiers, Silver money £Z %s. 3^. 



CATTLE DISTRAINED 157 

Clafs Bill the Same year Sign'^ by the 
above Tho' Potter &ct \_sic\ the above 
named committee ^5 ']s. od. 

1 78 1. Rate Bill 3rd mo 4th day, signed 
by Tho^ Potter, John Gardner, Rob' Brown 
& Sam' Babcock. 

Clafs money Silver £1^ 45. 6d. 

Rowland Hazard 016 

State Tax Silver money 18 15 4 

£2>A i-y. 4^- 
Dated 18'^ i^* 1781 

Sign'' by Jos'" Clarke gen' Treafurer. 
1 78 1. Continental money tax 1781 warr' 
from the General Treafurer £iiy6. 6. o 
Continental Town Tax signed by Rob' 
Potter, Town Treasurer 238. 10. o 

Rate Bill, dated of month, 

A. D. 1 780 warrant sign*^ by de- 
mand £^'9s- ^d. 
Taken by Timothy Peckham Collect' one 
yearling bull price /,'3 125. 00^. hard 
Money, and one yearling Heipher price 
£'^ 00s. ood. 

The distrained cattle show how he carried 
out his convictions, and suffered their loss 
rather than support the " carnal war and 
fightings " which disturbed the meeting so 
much. 



158 COLLEGE TOM 

Some of the latest entries in the book 
find him still submissive, — 

One cow taken by Dan' Shearman, 9th 
month 4th day 1782 I know not his De- 
mand by inquiry it appeared He did not 
come to y^ Houfe, but spoke to Rob^ in 
the field. 
A fortnight later — 

The 20^'' 9th mo, 1782 Willson Pol- 
lock Collector Took Four of my best 
Cows all giving milk he said that he had 
several Taxes againft me amounting to 
^33 & upward hard money But shew 
no warrant or order from authority I 
accidentally saw him with the Cows as he 
drove them up the Lane that leads to the 
Highway westward from my Dwelling 
House. (Signed) Th° Hazard. 

So he put himself on record as suffering 
for conscience' sake. In 1 789 Rhode Island 
finally signed the constitution, having run 
through almost all possible evils with her 
currency. She was the last of all the colo- 
nies to yield to the common good, — her 
excessive individuality having been at once 
the source of her strength and her weak- 
ness. 










i^f^'& ^''^^^V'^ \V..U^, thereof ^ ^^14^-: 

j-s'c A ^ 55', psir-u^ ax i-'y. 11^,- 

iff^hinafj^io, MAY o, 17?!$ fPi/' 











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EIGHT DOLLAR BILL 



CHAPTER X. 

Friends Meeting Records. Curious Entries. Thomas Haz- 
ard's First Service. Slavery. First Visit of John Wool- 
man. Slave Laws and Apprenticeship Papers. Woolman's 
Second Visit. Friends' Testimony in Regard to Slavery. 
The Rathbun Case. 1773, Friends Clear of Slavery. Act 
of 1773. Primus. Letter from John Pemberton. Act 
of 1784. Providence Society for Abolishing the Slave 
Trade. 

Before me, as I write, lies a fine leather 
covered book, of two hundred and eighty- 
quarto pages, closely written, in the hand of 
the last century, and inscribed on the inside 
cover, — 

The Monthly Meeting of South Kings- 
town^ first Book of Records y'' 9*'' of y^ 
5^*^ m° 1743 No I. 

This is the first of the eight volumes now 
extant belonging to the meeting, for the 
early records which would possibly contain 
some mention of George Fox himself, and 
Chalkley, and the early founders, were de- 
stroyed by fire many years ago. Fortu- 
nately for the reader who desires to follow 



l6o COLLEGE TOM 

the life of Thomas Hazard, it is quite early 
enough for him, and his marriage in 1 742 is 
duly recorded in the proper place. Here 
are hidden away records of the scandals 
of the country-side, the " dealings " with 
Friends for dishonest behavior, the discipline, 
and papers of denial which were solemnly 
read in meeting. And with these serious 
offenses against the " Light of Truth " are 
those which were quite as severely dealt 
with, though now they only cause a smile. 
One young man was brought to a sense of 
his misconduct and presented " a paper of 
Condemnation . . . concerning his outgo- 
ings in dancing in a Light & airy Manner ; " ^ 
and going to an entertainment " Subsequent 
to a Marriage at which was Mufick Dancing 
and vain mirth " ^ is a cause of offense for 
which John Rose is dealt with by Thomas 
Hazard and Peleg Peckham, who are ap- 
pointed for that service. But the young 
man was obdurate and appeared " not in a 
Dispofition to Condemn his outgoing." The 
young people gave a good deal of trouble, as 
they would marry out of " Unity " and had 
to be disciplined. Occasionally the young 

^ S. K. Monthly Meeting Records, vol. i. p. 140. 
2 Ibid.^ vol. i. p. loi. 



FRIENDS MEETING RECORDS l6l 

man apologized, as in the following entry. 
How the bride took it is not mentioned. 

To the Monthly Meeting of friends now 
in being at So. Kingstown. I through 
Inattention to the Light of Christ have 
Married a wife out of the good order of 
Friends neither was she a member of their 
Society. Therefore now being Sincible 
that their Rules and orders therein is 
Confistant with truth and Seeing the 
error of my doings am sorry for my 
Transgresfion therein and Defire friends 
to pass by my offence and Still Continue 
their Care for me Defiring I may be pre- 
served to walk according to good order 
for time to come.^ 

The poor fathers, too, had hard times, as 
when William Robinson, son of the old 
Governor, in 1768 allowed his daughter's 
marriage, but on being waited upon by a 
committee of Friends, "said William told 
them that his Daughter was married out of 
our Society & that he allowed her to be mar- 
ried in his houfe but said he had rather it 
had been otherways." ^ This confession was 
not received as " satisfaction " by the meet- 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 225. 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 203. 



1 62 COLLEGE TOM 

ing, and he presents a paper condemning 
his conduct for allowing it, and for having 
" vain mufick and Dancing." ^ Good Peleg 
Peckham is indignant at one wedding which 
he was appointed to see " orderly carried 
on." He reports that he " expected to 
have been entertained at s*^ Martha's appart- 
ment but contrary to it was at s"^ William's 
who not being a member of our Society 
I thought was an Imposition." ^ Some of 
the weddings to which friends were sent, 
were apparently only " in the main orderly 
carried on," and some " Pretty orderly 
carried on, confidering the Concourfe of 
young people," ^ and one wonders if it was 
at such time the young fellow fell, as he 
confesses : — 

Whereas I took more Strong Drink 
than was Commendable and also afsisted 
my Brother Amos in gitting married Con- 
trary to friends Rules without acquainting 
my father therewith I therefore freely 
Condemn it and Defire friends to Con- 
tinue me Under their Care. 
Stoneingtown y*" i8th of loth mo. 1767.* 
People lost their tempers too, then as 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 208. 2 7^/^,^ vol. i. p. 104. 
3 Ibid., vol. i. p. 53. ■* Ibid., vol. i. p. 199. 



FRIENDS' DISCIPLINE 1 63 

now ; but the watchful care of Friends was 
over them, and one respects young Caleb 
Hazard, who declares that he " has of late 
so far given w^ay to the pafsion of anger as 
to Strike & fight with Coon Williams " 
which transgression he " freely condemns." 
An old man and his sons are also interest- 
ing. He is the father of the young man be- 
fore mentioned, and states his case plainly. 
A man, he says, — 

Come to me in my field and tho I De- 
sired him to Keep off yet made an at- 
tempt to beat or abufe me to prevent 
which I Suddenly and with too much 
warmth pushed him from me with the 
Rake I was leaning on Which act of 
mine as it did not manifest to that Chris- 
tian patience and Example in Suffering 
Tryals of every Kind becoming my pro- 
fefsion I therefore Freely Condemn it and 
Defire that I may be enabled for the 
future to Suffer patiently any abufe or 
whatever elfe I may be Tried with and alfo 
Defire friends to Continue their watchful 
Care over me. For the monthly meeting 
to be held at Richmond y^ 31st of y' 8th 
mo. 1767.^ 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 197. 



1 64 COLLEGE TOM 

We get a glimpse of the roads, too, when 
Mathew Allen is summoned to appear, but 
sends excuse " he being an ancient man, and 
the Distance so far to ride," and another 
who cannot come, " as the weather has been 
Difficult and he lame." But our chief con- 
cern is with Thomas Hazard, and his con- 
nection with the meeting. His first recorded 
service was on " y^ 29 Day of y® i'' mo 1 753," 
when a minute declares that at the request 
of " ffriends " he had " Tranfcribed a copy of 
the yearly meeting minutes and prefented to 
this meeting." ^ A committee are appointed 
to " compair them with the original," and 
make report at the next meeting that " they 
are a true Copy." This service is recorded 
when he was only thirty-three years old, and 
in a few years he is appointed a Represen- 
tative at the various monthly and quarterly 
meetings, at first with Thomas Rodman, 
an aged friend. He goes to Westerly and 
Richmond, and as early as 1757 is appointed 
" to audit the accounts with Tho^ Rod- 
man the meetings Treafiarer." ^ Two years 
later " This meeting adjourns till next fourth 
day week to meet at Thomas Hazard's Son 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. SS- 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 77. 



FIRST SERVICES IN MEETING 165 

of Robert at the 9^'^ hour." At the adjourn- 
ment he was appointed on the committee 
" to Draw & Sign an Epistle " to the next 
quarterly meeting, and to attend that meet- 
ino-.i Almost every month for a number of 
years has some record of him, as represen- 
tative, or on various committees to deal with 
" Disorderly walkers," or to advise in the 
settling of the " temporal affairs " of some 
distressed friend. It is he who is on the 
committee with Joseph Congdon " to stop 
y^ leak" in the old meeting-house, and to 
" make such small repairs as they shall find 
needful at prefent." ^ 

The question of slavery was already be- 
fore the meeting. John Woolman, whom 
tradition speaks of as College Tom's friend,^ 
visited Narragansett first in 1748. He jour- 
neyed through Connecticut, and after three 
days' riding, he says, " we came amongst 
Friends in the Colony of Rhode Island, and 
visited them in and about Newport, Dart- 
mouth, and generally in those parts." * The 
" Monthly Meeting Records " unfortunately 
contain no mention of his preaching, but 
Thomas Hazard and his friend Jeremiah 

1 S. K. M. M. R., p. 97- ^ ^^^■^•' P- i°3- 

3 Updike, p. 324. * Woolman's Joicrnal, p. 75- 



1 66 COLLEGE TOM 

Austin, who had freed his single slave, his 
only inheritance, and worked himself at day- 
labor,^ must have taken great comfort in 
this visit of the devoted preacher, and taken 
couraQ:e to continue their work in an un- 
popular cause. The general conditions of 
slavery in Narragansett have been men- 
tioned. A recent writer alludes to the 
" Slave code of Rhode Island supplemented 
by the by-laws of South Kingstown," as by 
no means a mild one.^ He does not speak 
of the provision for manumission on deposit 
of ^loo security in 1729. In 1750 a law was 
enacted declaring that no person shall "pre- 
sume to sell, give, truck, barter, or exchange 
with or to any Indian Mulatto or Negro ser- 
vant or slave any strong beer, ale, cider, wine, 
rum, brandy or other strong liquor by what 
name or names so ever called or know." A 
fine of fifteen dollars was to be paid for each 
offense. No slave was allowed to be abroad 
after nine o'clock at night, with a penalty at- 
tached for each offense of being " publickly 
whipped by the Constable ten stripes." The 
owner as an alternative was allowed to pay 
a fine of three dollars. Indians, mulattoes, 

1 Updike, p. 326. 

* Dr. Edward Channing, Narragansett Planters, p. lo. 



SLAVERY AND APPRENTICESHIP 167 

and negroes were not allowed to be enter- 
tained without consent of master or mis- 
tress, with "dancing, gaming, or diversion 
of any kind." In South Kingstown a by- 
law forbade the " keeping of creaters " by 
negroes/ On the other hand a slave could 
not be sent out of the country without his 
own consent, and a certificate from two jus- 
tices of the peace was required to this con- 
sent to make transportation legal. If the 
slave was " notoriously unfaithful," proofs 
could be given at a court of General Ses- 
sions, and the owner could be authorized to 
send him to any other part.^ When we con- 
sider the terms of an apprenticeship at about 
the same time these restrictions do not ap- 
pear quite so severe. In a regularly printed 
form filled out for one of young Richard 
Hazard's sons, it appears that the appren- 
tice binds himself to serve faithfully his 
master and mistress, "their secrets keep 
their commands obey At Cards Dice or any 
other unlawful Game he shall not play;" 
he shall not absent himself " by Day or by 
Nio-ht " from his master's and mistress' ser- 

1 South Kingstown Records. Quoted by Dr. E. Chan- 

ning. 

a Public Laws of R. /., Revisioa of 1798, Act of 1776. 



1 68 COLLEGE TOM 

vice without their leave ; or " haunt Ale- 
houses Taverns or Play houses." This cut 
off the apprentice from all diversions as 
effectually as the slave. For his service he 
was to be taught his trade, and to *' read, 
write and Cypher as far as the Rule of 
Three " and his wearing apparel was to be 
furnished for the sum of ^400 old tenor, 
paid by his guardian.^ The times were 
strict, and the slave laws must be read not 
with our modern views of liberty, but in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of the days before 
the Revolution. 

The various meetings were again stirred 
by John Woolman in 1760. He and his 
companions held five meetings in Narragan- 
sett, where he says he went " through deep 
exercises that were mortifying to the crea- 
turely will. In several families in the coun- 
try where we lodged, I felt an engagement 
on my mind to have a conference with them 
in private concerning their slaves." ^ He 
speaks of this as an " unpleasant task as- 
signed him." In Newport he found that a 
large number of slaves had been imported 
from Africa and were then on sale by a 

^ Appendix, Paper of Apprenticeship. 
2 Woolman's yc«r«a/, p. 161. 



JOHN WOOLMAN 169 

member of the Society, upon hearing which 
his appetite failed and he was sorely dis- 
tressed. After many inward difficulties, he 
presented a petition to the Legislature for 
the meeting to approve and present, which 
would forbid the future importing of slaves. 
This was approved by the meeting, and a 
minute was also made and sent to several 
quarterly meetings to discourage participa- 
tion in lotteries among Friends. After the 
Yearly Meeting was over he had private 
conferences with members of the society 
who held slaves.^ 

As early as 1757 the South Kingstown 
monthly meeting puts itself on record on 
this question, when — 

This meeting Received a paper of Rich- 
ard Smith as his Teftimony against 
Keeping Slaves and his Intention to free 
his negro girl which paper he hath a 
mind to lay before the Quarterly meeting 
all which is Referred for further consid- 
eration.^ 

One of the Rodmans, a few years later, 
was in trouble over a slave. He was con- 
demned by his own meeting, but appealed 

1 Woolman'sy<9//;r;/(7/, p. 167. 
» S. K. M. M. R., vol. i., p. 82. 



I/O COLLEGE TOM 

to the quarterly meeting, which confirmed 
the judgment of the monthly meeting given 
against him, " on account of his buying a 
nesro slave" and "it is the mind of friends 
that there ought to go out a publick Tefti- 
mony & Denial " ^ of the purchaser, which 
was accordingly done, and a solemn " paper 
of frd^ Teftimony of Disowning " was read 
at the end of a First-day meeting. Stephen 
Hoxfie, the excellent clerk of the meeting, 
through whose care the records are so 
legible now, was appointed to draw it up. 

But the famous slave case was that of the 
Rathbuns, father and son, which is fully 
detailed, and must have brought opinion to 
a focus upon the whole question. This case 
was before the meeting eight years, dur- 
ing the latter part of which it was reported 
upon at every monthly meeting. At first 
Thomas Hazard was not formally con- 
nected with it, but as it became more com- 
plicated he was added to the committee^ 
to deal with the offenders, and report from 
month to month. Having bought a slave, 
Joshua Rathbun is brought to confess his 
error as follows : — 

'^ S.K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 131. 
2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 252. 



THE RATH BUN CASE 1 71 

Wellerly the 27'^ oif\2 mo 1765 
To the monthly meeting of friends to be 
held at Richmond next 

Dear Friends. I hereby acknowledge 
that I have acted Disorderly in purchas- 
ing a Negro Slave which Disorder I was 
Ignorant of, at the time of the purchase, 
but having conversed with Several friends 
upon the Subject of Slavery have gained 
a knowledge that heretofore I was Igno- 
rant of, both as to the Rules of our Society, 
as well as the nature & inconfistancy of 
making Slaves of our fellow Creatures, 
am therefore free to condemn that Incon- 
siderate act and Defire Friends to pafs 
it by, hoping that I may be preferved 
from all conduct that may bring Un- 
easinefs Upon friends for the future am 
willing likewise to take the advice of 
Friends both as to the bringing up and 
Discharging of the Afores'' negro. 

Joshua Rathbun.^ 

This expresses very clearly what must 
have been the general feeling of the day 
in regard to slavery, and sounds like an 
honest change of heart. Nevertheless on 
the 28th of ist month, 1771, — 

1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 171- 



172 COLLEGE TOM 

Joshua Rathbun appeared in this meet- 
ing and informed that he had signed over 
a bill of Sale to his son of that negro 
garl he purchased (and give incourage- 
ment to take friends advice in order to 
Discharge his duty towards her) now 
friends think it necefsary that something 
be done in that affair. 
A committee was appointed to deal with 

him and a further note comes, — 

Whereas our last monthly meeting 
condefended to appoint a meeting to be 
held at the said Joshua Rathbun's houfe 
for the space of three months but since 
it has appeared to this meeting that said 
Rathbun did not stand Clear in his 
Teflimony for the caufe of Truth as he 
ought to have done against that of Slav- 
ery, therefore that meeting appointed at 
his houfe is Discontinued.^ 
The son was then dealt with, and this 

entry follows, — 

30th of i2mo. 1 771. 
Friends appointed last monthly meet- 
ing to Treat with Joshua Rathbun y^ 3rd 
and his father Joshua Rathbun y^ 2nd 
Concerning their Dispofmg of a Negro 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 238. 



THE RATHBUN CASE 173 

Garl as a Slave report as followeth that 
they have treated with them on that acco' 
and find by inquiring that Joshua y" 2nd 
who had a bill of sale of said Negro girl 
afsigned s*^ bill of Sale over to his Son 
Joshua Rathbun y^ 3rd for a Considera- 
tion of fifty Dollars which Dollars the 
said Joshua y^ 3rd told us his Father 
made up to him another way and that as 
the s*^ negro girl Cost him nothing he 
promised his father Joshua Rathbun y^ 
2nd that the Girl should have her free- 
dom at a Suitable time if she Lived not- 
withstanding he (that is Joshua Rathbun 
the 3rd) had Sold her and she was sent 
out of the Country without (as he told 
us) his father's consent nor do we find 
that Joshua Rathbun y^ 2nd did afk the 
advice of Vx^ refpecting said negro girl 
at the time he conveyed her to his son 
or ever made any Complaint of his Son's 
Conduct in that cafe to friends until they 
was other ways informed thereof. The 
consideration of which is refer** to our 
next mo'^ meeting.^ 
After long waiting the son is denied ^ be- 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 249. 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 260. 



174 COLLEGE TOM 

cause he " encouraged the Deteftable prac- 
tice of enflaving mankind," and the father 
advised in 1772 to — 

. . . prefs it on his Said Son to Redeem 
Said Slave and if his Said Son Should 
refuse or neglect so to do that he Com- 
mince and profecute an action at Com- 
mon Law against his son for the Recovery 
of Damages Upon a promis made by his 
said son. Frds to assist him, & the sum 
recovered to be used for the redemption 
of the girl.^ 

" Thos Wilbur, Joseph Congdon, Nicholas 
Bragg, and Thos Hazard of Robert " were 
the committee, and one wonders if a trace 
of College Tom's early law training appears 
in the advice to " Commince and profecute." 
The father did not take it, however, and 
was still further dealt with by the meet- 
ing. One has some sympathy with the poor 
man, who was denied the comfort of the 
meeting in his own house, but Friends were 
inexorable, and the record shows how well 
they cleared their consciences : — 
ist of 3rd mo. 1773. 
We the Subscribers according to the 
appointment of Last Mon'^ meeting have 

1 S. K. M. M. R., p. 261. 



ACTION OF THE MEETING 1/5 

Inspected the holding a meeting at Ston- 
ington Harbour as a meeting of ffriends 
and find that Such meeting hath been 
held on first days at Joshua Rathbun y^ 
2nd and that he hath frequently appeared 
as a preacher therein. We Treated with 
such as are members and with Joshua 
in perticular and defired him and them 
to defist therefrom S^ Joshua says he 
Should be glad to take friends' advice but 
hath peace in holding said meetings ap- 
prehending it as he said as his duty. 

Solomon Hoxsie. 
John Collins. 
Joseph Congdon. 

Amos Collins is appointed to inform 
those friends that live thereaways that 
said meeting is held out of the Unity of 
Fr"^' and that unlefs they defist from at- 
tending it they who have will be pro- 
ceeded against as disorderly walkers.-^ 
Three months after the old man was de- 
nied his membership,^ and so the episode 
of the " Negro garl " ends as far as the rec- 
ords show. Indeed, it is to be feared that 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 276. 

2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 7. 



176 COLLEGE TOM 

the good showing of Friends in 1773 as to 
their " clearness " on the Slavery question 
was made in much the same way, not by 
convincing so many slave-owners, as by 
turning out those who were unconvinced. 
John Knowles and Stephen Richmond in 
1 77 1 " Appears of a disposition to comply 
with friends rules in liberating their slaves." 
Three friends " discovers something of a 
Difpofition to comply," while four " Did 
Shew the Contrary Difpofition." They 
were informed on the 29th of 7th mo. 1771, 
that all who did not free their slaves may 
" expect to be Denied Memberfliip." ^ Two 
months afterward a sturdy Friend appeared 
in meeting and " saith that he shall not 
comply with the Rules of the Society, Re- 
fpecting his Slaves to Liberate them," and 
he and three others are therefore denied 
membership. On the 

28*'' of 6"^ mo 1773 
Fr^^ Appointed to Visit Slave Keepers 
made report that they don't find their is 
any held as Slaves by Fr'^' and there are 
some y* are set at Liberty and no proper 
mannamifsion given therefore said com- 
mittee are continued to see that they are 

1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 243. 



MANUMISSION PAPERS 177 

mannamitted and make report thereof as 
soon as they conveniently can/ 
So the main work of the committee ap- 
pointed in April, 1771, was finished. The 
men who did this service, a service which 
must have tried them sorely at times, and 
divided families and neighborhoods, were 
Thomas Wilbur, Benjamin Hoxsie, Joseph 
Collins, John Robinson, and Stephen Hox- 
sie.^ Their work was continued until all 
the slaves had proper papers. 
One such paper is recorded, — 

26th of the 2nd mo. 1774. These may 
certify that about 25 years ago I had sev- 
eral negroes which upon an agreement 
between them and me set at Liberty 
which Liberty I have seen to be my duty 
to confirm from me my Heirs and afsigns 
the Negroes are York, Betty, Zilpah and 
Zadock York is since Dead but the other 
Three I still confirm their liberty accord- 
ing to the good order of Friends from 
me 

Hezekiah Collins.^ 
Witnefs Thomas Wilbur. 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. i. 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 238. 
8 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 18. 



178 COLLEGE TOM 

In these local concerns Thomas Hazard 
seems to have taken a less prominent part 
than in earlier years, but he is constantly- 
sent to quarterly meeting, and added to 
committees, as in the Rathbun case when it 
became complicated. He was also on vari- 
ous committees to transact the business of 
the whole society. In this very year, 1773, 
the London yearly meeting is informed 
that Friends' " labor for the freedom of the 
Enslaved Negroes is still continued," and 
" that we have appointed our friends T. 
Hazard Isaac Lawton Philip Wanton and 
Jacob Mott Jr of Rhode Island a committee 
to correspond with our correspondents in 
London." 1 

This year of 1773 was a year of special 
activity among Friends. Joseph Wanton, 
of the old Quaker family, was the governor 
of Rhode Island. He was the son of Gov- 
ernor William Wanton, who left the Society 
of Friends on his marriage. The lady's family 
were strict Congregationalists, and as his 
family were Quakers, religious objections 
were made to the marriage, upon which he 
finally said, " Friend Ruth, let us break 
from this unreasonable bondage; /will give 

^ R. I. Yearly Meeting Records, 1773. 



GRISWOLD ON MANUMISSION 1 79 

up -ifiy religion, and thou shalt thine^ and 
we will go over to the Church of England 
and go to the Devil together! " ^ It was 
the son of this ardent lover who came to 
the head of colonial affairs, a few years 
before the Revolution, and who would 
naturally have some sympathy with the 
Society his father left. Among the papers 
of Thomas Hazard is a letter from Judge 
Mathew Griswold, of Connecticut, to this 
governor of Rhode Island, dated June 10, 
1773. It is evidently in reply to one from 
Rhode Island on the subject of slaves. 
They are " Esteem*^ with us," Judge Gris- 
wold says, "as the Proper Objects of the 
Care and Protection of the Government 
in common with Other Inhabitants. If 
any outrage undue Violence or Inhumane 
Severity is used it is Esteem*^ the Duty 
of the Informing & Peace officers of the 
Colony to interpose and give Relief upon 
proper Application made to them." But 
Judge Griswold is not clear as to manu- 
mission. " Those Things are not greatly 
Favour^ in Law : by People of Consider- 
ation here," he says, " Inasmuch as the 
Negroes who have been Manumitted in 

^ Updike, p. 296. 



l8o COLLEGE TOM 

this Colony : being Ignorant of the Art 
of Honest living have Frequently be- 
come Strowling vagrants have United 
with Thieves & Burglars and proved very 
Troublesome and Dangerous Inhabitants. 
I sho'^ be Concerned that any People sho*^ 
be oppressed by unlawful holding in Servi- 
tude. Justice ought to be done to Every 
one." ^ The presence of this letter among 
the papers seems to indicate that Thomas 
Hazard's interest in the question was not 
only well known, but that he was on terms of 
friendship with Governor Wanton. This was 
the year (1773) that Stephen Hopkins was 
disowned by the Society because he would 
not liberate a slave woman, and the year 
that Moses Brown liberated all his slaves, 
preparatory to joining the Society in 1774.^ 
This excellent man, who did so much for 
the Society and for the infant manufactures 
of the State, was apparently a quarter of a 
century behind Thomas Hazard in his con- 
victions on the subject of slavery. 

In 1 774 Thomas Hazard was appointed on 
the committee to " use their influence at the 
General Afsembly of Rhode Island or with 

1 Appendix, Letter from Judge Griswold. 

2 Moses Brown, A Sketch, by Augustine Jones, p. 15, 



LEGISLA TION ON SLA VER Y 1 8 1 

the members thereof that such laws may be 
made as will tend to the abolition of slavery, 
and to get such laws repealed as any way 
encourage it." ^ This committee presented 
an act which was passed by the General 
Assembly. The fact that the men who 
petitioned the Assembly for this purpose 
were themselves all " clear in their tefti- 
mony " as to slavery must have carried 
great weight. The noble opening sen- 
tence read: — "Whereas the inhabitants 
of America are generally engaged in the 
preservation of their own rights and lib- 
erties, among which that of personal free- 
dom must be considered as the greatest ; 
as those who are desirous of enjoying all 
the advantages of liberty themselves should 
be willing to extend personal liberty to oth- 
ers,"^ it is therefore enacted that no negro 
or mulatto slave shall be brought into the 
Colony. 

The whole of New England was soon 
plunged into trouble with the disasters of 
war, and little further action was taken 
until peace was restored. 

The negro called in the account book 

^ R. I. Yearly Meeting Records, ^774- 
2 R. I. C. R., vol. vii. p. 251. 



1 82 COLLEGE TOM 

Priamus will be remembered. Among the 
papers is a long letter from John Pember- 
ton of Philadelphia, so characteristic that it 
is given in full. This excellent Friend, 
"our dear John Pemberton," as Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Drinker in her diary calls him, was 
the clerk of the meeting for sufferings in 
1777, in Philadelphia, and was arrested and 
imprisoned for refusal to bear arms.^ He 
traveled in Ireland a few years later, and 
finally died in Germany in 1 795.^ He had 
evidently been in Narragansett, as his 
charming message of "my Dear Love in 
thy freedom to such who may enquire," and 
his mention of " my friends in your parts " 
indicates. 

Philad% 5 mo 15, 1780. 
Dear Friend Tho^ Hazard 

There is a negro man here, whofe Case 
claims Commiferation, and having lived 
with thee 15 or 16 years, as he tells me I 
hope thou will use fome endeavors that 
Justice be done him & he fet free. His 
Name is Primus, after leaving thy Service 
he lived about 7 years with W"" Barden 

1 Hodgson, Historical Memoirs of the Society of 
Friends, p. 342. 

2 Mrs. E. Drinker's Journal, p. 264. 



JOHN PEMBERTON'S LETTER 183 

who he allows was his master, & who 
agreed with him, that if he would go three 
Voiages in a Privateer he fhould be manu- 
mitted, he went two & returned fafe, the 
third Voiage he was taken & Came hither 
with the British, fo that he performed 
what had been required of him. The 
Privateer he went in was a floop called 
the America, One Dennis Com'^ and Wil- 
liam Cranstead Lieutenant. These two 
were Present when his master entered 
into this Contract with him. If these 
men can be found and will Certify what 
he afserts to be true I fhould hope proper 
steps may be taken to Clear the poor 
man. if the said W"" Barden cannot be 
prevailed with, without such procedure 
He remained here after the British left 
this place, & has been taken up by one 
Joseph Knary or Connary, who says he 
purchased him of one Rice of Hartford 
in Connecticutt. The few months he 
lived in this City before taken up he 
behaved well, as far as I have heard. 
Knowing that these poor People are 
often greatly imposed upon I undertake 
to represent his Case & hope thou will 
be diligent &: speedy in doing what thou 



1 84 COLLEGE TOM 

can for his relief. I should be plesed to 
hear of thy Succefs in this application, 
for it would be Distresfing to him and 
Cause perhaps deep & Sorrowful Reflec- 
tion to his Old Master, if he should be 
sent into Cruel hard bondage which may 
probably be the Case if not foon relieved. 
He has been fold thrice this Winter and 
suffered much from want of Cloathing, 
the persons who had him being doubtful 
of their right to detain him. But it is 
much a Custom for hardened Worthlefs 
men to purchase these poor people and 
take them to the fouthward & sell them 
where there 's none to plead their Cause, 
and where they suffer much. He walked 
to this City in the beginning of 3'' mo 
last, near 50 miles bare foot. 

I often remember my friends in your 
parts with much Sympathy and love, & 
desire they may be kept & preserved in 
Faith and patience and In Integrity & 
Uprightness of heart. My Dear Love in 
thy freedom to such who may enquire 
& with same salutation to thee & thine 
remain thy Affectionate Friend. 

John Pemberton. 



THE ABOLITION ACT 1 85 

if a Certificate could be produced from 
Dennis & Cranstead of the ab° ment^ 
agreement, I expect wee may be able to 
secure the man from his oppresfion. 

No further record of this man has been 
found, but the letter exists to show the spirit 
with which John Pemberton and his friends 
worked for the oppressed slaves. 

In December, 1783, a Committee of the 
Legislature was appointed " to take into 
consideration a petition preferred unto this 
Assembly by a committee of the people 
called Quakers respecting the Abolition of 
Slavery,"^ and directed to report. This 
was the petition of the old committee which 
had held over through the war, of which 
Thomas Hazard was a member.^ In Feb- 
ruary, 1784, two months later, the act he had 
labored so earnestly for was finally passed. 
The preamble recalls Thomas Jefferson's 
famous Declaration, so lately written. It 
reads, — "Whereas all men are entitled to 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, 
and the holding of mankind in a state of 
slavery, as private property, which has gradu- 

1 R. I. C. R., vol. ix, p. 735. 

* R. I. Friends Yearly Meeting Records, x 784. 



1 86 COLLEGE TOM 

ally obtained by unrestrained custom and the 
permissions of the laws, is repugnant to this 
principle, and subversive of the happiness 
of mankind, the great end of all civil gov- 
ernment," — therefore it was enacted that 
no person born after the date of the act, 
" negroes, mulattoes or others " were to be 
considered slaves. The children were to be 
instructed and might be apprenticed by the 
towns in which they were born ; they had 
the right to be supported in case of inca- 
pacity, the towns and not the owners 
assuming the support and education of all 
children of slaves.^ Good as this was, three 
years later an additional act was required. 
" Forgetful of the danger which then im- 
pended, and inattentive of the principles of 
justice ... a renewal of the African trade 
for slaves has been entered into by divers 
inhabitants of this state," ^ the act reads. 
A penalty of a hundred pounds for every 
slave imported was fixed, or a thousand 
pounds for every vessel engaged in the 
trade .^ 

1 R. I. c. J?., vol. X., p. 7. 

2 Idzd, vol. X., p. 262. 

' There is some reason for supposing this act to have 
been drawn by Thomas Hazard, but I have not been able 
to satisfy myself of the fact. 



ABOLITION SOCIETY 187 

A little later, following the passage of the 
Abolition act, the Providence Society for 
Abolishing the Slave Trade was founded. 
A copy of what is apparently the original 
constitution of the society is printed on a folio 
sheet, and preserved among the papers, but 
has no date whatever. In drawing up this 
constitution Thomas Hazard had a hand. 
The proceedings of the society set forth 
that on the 29th of the ist month called 
January, 1789, "a meeting of citizens of 
the town of Providence and parts adja- 
cent was called for the purpose of estab- 
lishing a Society for Abolishing Slavery." 
David Howell was chosen moderator, and 
a committee of seven, including Judge 
Howell, Moses Brown, Arthur Fenner, 
Thomas Hazard, Thomas Arnold and two 
others was appointed to " draw up a system 
of regulations and government and report 
at a meeting to be held on the 20^^ prox- 
imo at the Friends' Meeting House in this 
town." At this meetings the constitution 
drawn up by the committee was adopted, 
a copy of which is the paper referred to.^ 
David Howell was chosen President, John 
Dorrance, Vice - President ; Moses Brown, 

^ Appendix. 



1 88 COLLEGE TOM 

Treasurer ; Thomas Arnold, Secretary ; 
and Thomas Hazard was put upon the 
standing committee of seven. The society- 
includes the names of most of the distin- 
guished men in the State ; Daniel Lyman, 
James Burrill, Richard Ward Greene, and 
other distinguished lawyers were the coun- 
selors of the society. Among the corre- 
sponding members were Jonathan Edwards, 
the Elliots of Boston, Judge Sullivan of 
Massachusetts, and William Rotch of New 
Bedford. Samuel Hopkins was a member; 
Anthony, Foster, Bartlett, Buffum, Almy, 
and other excellent men were active in it. 
Thomas Robinson of Newport, brother-in- 
law of College Tom, was an active member, 
untiring in his efforts to release slaves, 
and to prevent the importation of any into 
Newport. 

Thus in his old age the great object of 
College Tom's life was attained. Freeing 
first his own slaves, he lived to influence 
his own Monthly Meeting very strongly, 
and from that meeting was sent to the 
larger Yearly Meeting, where his sincerity 
and ability won recognition, and with the 
foremost men of his day he labored for 
justice and liberty, against the " deteflable 



SLAVERY ABOLISHED 1 89 

practice of enflaving mankind." Through 
a long life he kept this end in view, and 
whatever may have been his private griefs 
and losses in the troubled times, the attain- 
ment of this great object gave comfort to 
his last days. 



CHAPTER XI. 

The Business of the Meeting. Books subscribed for. The 
Position of Women. Temperance. Letter from William 
Redwood. Act of Assembly. Education. The Revo- 
lution. The Test Act. Committee of Friends to relieve 
Suffering. Old Meeting-House occupied as a Hospital. 
Testimony against War. Regulars in Point Judith. Col- 
lege Tom's Sons. His Last Days. His Death. 

The advanced position which the South 
Kingstown Monthly Meeting took in regard 
to slavery would lead us to expect other 
good works from it. Nor are we disap- 
pointed in a search for them. " We catch 
virtue from ourselves as well as from others," 
— and with a few leaders such as Thomas 
Hazard, Joseph Congdon, and Stephen 
Hoxsie, the meeting was sure to advance. 
A good share of the business of the meeting 
was transacted by College Tom, when he 
was still a young man. He is " defired to 
send up to the Yearly Meeting Treafurer " 
the subscription to the yearly meeting stock 
in 1761.^ He was on the committee with 
Stephen Hoxsie and Thomas Wilbour to 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 118. 



THE MEETING-HOUSE I9I 

draft a paper stating the duties of the over- 
seers of the First-day and week-day meet- 
ings in the same year.^ A little later the 
overseers are charged to suppress all " Slep- 
ing and other indecencies " in meeting. He 
has constantly to prepare the report for the 
Quarterly Meeting, and is sent to that meet- 
ing often. In 1763, with Peleg Peckham, 
Benjamin Rodman, Joseph Congdon, and 
Thomas Wilbour, he is instructed " to take 
a deed of the old meeting houfe and lot at 
South Kingstown " ^ and has a constant 
oversight of the building from that time. 
The account book has the full memoran- 
dum of repairs which he and Joseph Cong- 
don were ordered to make in 1761 : — 

^th gth j^Q To Sixteen Pounds in Cash 

to Buy Boards 

Joseph Knowles took it as he went to 

Newport /16. 005. ood. 

Joseph Knowles returned 

s*^ ;^i6 Pounds again to 

me ^16.00. 00 

To 2500 Shingles @ ^30 

as by Sam^ Greens Rec' 

dated 12'*^ octob'' 1761. 75.00. 00 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol, i. p. 122. 

2 Ibid., vol. i. p. 142. 



192 COLLEGE TOM 

To 199 feet of pine Board 

@ i^. (id. 14. 17. 06 

To Freight of s*^ Boards & 

Shingles 120/ 6. 00. 00 

To Carting s'^ Boards & 

Shingles @ £\o 10. 00. 00 

and the account is presented to the meeting, 
" which is allowed." ^ At the same time he 
was appointed with Joseph Congdon "to Re- 
ceive the book at Newport prepared for to 
Tranfcribe the Englifli book of Difcipline 
in and procure the same done." Two years 
later the committee reports that they have 
" Compleated & presented it the Cost 
thereof being fifty Pounds old Ten'." ^ This 
book is among the books of the Meeting, a 
fine large quarto, beautifully written, entitled 
Christian & Brotherly Advices Given forth 
from time to time By the Yearly Meeting in 
L ondon. A Iphabetically Digested under Pro- 
per Heads. Transcribed by Jos: Congdon. 

The meeting also subscribed for books. 
In 1763 a "proposal for Printing George 
Fox's Journal in one vollom by subscription 
was received " and Stephen Hoxsie appointed 
to take subscriptions. " Barclay's Appoligy 
now printing at Philadelphia " is also to be 

^ S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 135. 2 ji)i(i^ vol. i. p. 125. 



BOOKS SUBSCRIBED FOR 193 

subscribed for in 1774, and Thomas Hazard 
and John Collins are to take subscriptions 
"for William Sewel's History propofed to 
be printed at Philadelphia." A minute 
from the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting gives 
further light upon this. 

From the Extracts 9 mo. 1774. 
It having been under the consideration 
of the meeting for sufferings to reprint 
the apology by our ancient friend Robert 
Barclay for which they have encourage- 
ment from Friends in New England — 
this meeting willing to promote it, re- 
commends to the several quarterly and 
monthly meetings to promote subscrip- 
tions for the purpose as speedy as they 
can. 

N. B. The price of the books to sub- 
scribers is not to exceed 55. 5^. 
The account book has two entries in refer- 
ence to it — 

1774 10 mo 20 day 
6 shillings sent to Philadelphia when 
subscriptions were sent there — 
and another a little later. The Sewel His- 
tories also are mentioned, with their exact 
cost. But well as the meeting looked after 
its own affairs, our chief interest is in its 



194 COLLEGE TOM 

position on the larger questions which even 
then had appeared, questions which the next 
century has had to grapple with, and some 
of which it will bequeath to its successor. 
On the rights of man we have seen the 
strong and fearless position that was taken, 
and it is delightful to find that in the rights 
of man, those of women were included. The 
sisrnature " Thomas Hazard Clerk this time " 
occurs frequently, but one can imagine no 
occasion on which it was signed with greater 
vigor than to the following minute which 
he is instructed to draw up. The Nine-part- 
ners Monthly Meeting had sent " lines " 
strongly intimating that it is not according 
to their practice to receive women Friends 
unless their certificate is signed by at least 
the Clerk of the Men's Meeting : — 

Therefore in Condefention to our 
friends of the monthly meeting at Nine- 
partners we do hereby direct the Clerk 
of this meeting to signifie to s'' monthly 
meeting that we have neither precedent 
nor Difcipline amongst us for such a prac- 
tice, neither do we think it Convnant So 
far to Degrade our women's meeting. But 
to Let them have the Ufe & Exerfise of 
our Difcipline as occasion may call for it 



TEMPERANCE 195 

in Conducting the affairs of their meeting 
not Defiring the Preheminence where 
Truth admits of none But believing that 
both male & female are all one in Christ 

Jefus. 

Thomas Hazard Clerk this time.^ 

i^* day of y' 4 mo 1771 
Something of the indignation of the 
courtly gentleman at the offered indignity 
to the women he has treated with such 
respect all his life seems to breathe in this 
minute, as well as his conviction of the true 
equality of the sexes. Thus on another of 
the vexed questions of to-day, College Tom 
spoke his word with vigor and decision. 

Nor was he silent on temperance. It is 
interesting to trace a bit of early legislation 
on that subject directly to the South Kings- 
town meeting, and to College Tom himself. 
In 1 768 occurs this entry : — 

There being many Disorders com- 
mitted near our annual General Meeting 
at South Kingstown by Rude Libertine 
Disorderly people Black Tawnies & 
others Some of whom expofmg Liquor 
and Cakes to sale by means of which 
Liquors some are Drunken &c greatly 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 235. 



196 COLLEGE TOM 

to the Scandal of Religion therefore 
friends are Defired to find out and prose- 
cute such meafures as may remove said 
grievences 29 of y*" 8 mo 1768.^ 
The next month the matter was referred 
to the Quarterly Meeting, and Thomas 
Hazard sent as representative. From this 
quarterly meeting he was appointed with 
Thomas Steere, Ephraim Congdon, William 
Redwood and Joseph Congdon to present 
a petition and act to the General Assembly 
to prevent the selling of liquor and the 
playing of games on the days of the Gen- 
eral Meetings near the places of assembly. 
The act contains many of the phrases of 
the minute and was doubtless drawn by 
Thomas Hazard, as the following letter from 
William Redwood indicates. It is written 
in a beautiful copperplate hand addressed 
To 

Thomas Hazard Son of Rob' 
in 

South Kingstown. 
Newport 2"^ mon. 21^'. 1 769. 

Efteemed Friend 

Thy favour of 17*'' 

Ins' with the Petition & Act of Afsem- 

1 .S". K. M. M. R., vol. i. p. 207. 



LETTER FROM WILLIAM REDWOOD 197 

bly came to hand yefterday. I have 
Signed the Petition, and shall enquire 
what number the Committee confifhed of, 
if they are not all inferted in the Act, I 
will insert them, with the day of the 
opening of the Sefsions, and forward 
them as soon as pofsible, agreeable to thy 
request. 

I Remain with much Efleem 

Thy Afsured Friend 
William Redwood 
Thomas Hazard. 

From the preamble of the act an idea of 
the holidays of the time is gained. Play- 
ing at quoits, wrestling, and exercising in 
any other games, with running horses, are 
forbidden, within a proscribed distance of 
the meeting, with the sale of " cakes, beer, 
cider, rum, or any other spirituous liquor 
by retail."^ This act seems to have been 
among the earliest temperance legislation 
in the Colony. Slaves are specially men- 
tioned in it, the owner having to pay the 
fine in case a slave is the offender. 

The account book contains only a few 
entries mentioning the meetings. " Oringes 
1 R. I. c. R., vol. vi. p. 578. 



198 COLLEGE TOM 

and Lemmonds " were sent for to Newport 
on one occasion when the meeting was 
held in Narragansett, but they were not 
obtainable, and Latham Clarke, who had the 
commission, brought back the money. In 
1770 Peleg Peckham is charged with "shoe- 
ing thy mare in y^ Journey," and " one shil- 
ling eight pence p*^ when we pafs^ y^ ferrys 
to Newport." As Peleg Peckham was 
clerk of the meeting, they were presumably 
going to a quarterly meeting in Newport. 
In 1775 comes an entry — 

^mo yth jjg^y -j-Q Qj^g large Veal Calve 

skin y^ day I set out for the Quarterly 
meeting. Sent per Rowland 
and later another mention 

1778 6"^ 9^'' To three Ditto (calfskins) 
when I went to y" yearly meeting 
7"" mo 8'^ day To three Ditto when I 
went to y^ Quarterly meeting. 
A few copies of the minutes of the meeting 
are found, one with a list of the members 
of the meeting for sufferings.^ Nor were 
Friends unmindful of the importance of edu- 
cation. As early as 1 780 a committee upon 
which Thomas Hazard served, appointed by 
the yearly meeting, reported upon the need 
of capable teachers to carry out the views 

^ Appendix. 



YEARLY MEETING SCHOOL 1 99 

of the Society respecting the education of 
youth, and suggested the appointment of a 
further committee to take the matter into 
"solid consideration." Thomas Hazard, 
Moses Brown, Elisha Thornton, WiUiam 
Rotch, and others were appointed to con- 
sider plans for erecting a school, for the 
education not only of the children of the 
Society, but to train teachers, and provide 
instruction for poor children.^ On the 8th 
of nth month, 1784, this school was opened 
at Portsmouth and continued four years. 
In 1785 the South Kingstown meeting sent 
£j 2s. as a subscription to the stock of 
" the yearly meeting school," ^ which closed 
for want of funds the next year. After a 
four years' interval Thomas Hazard was 
again on a committee " weightily to consider 
in what way the fund (gradually increasing, 
but still inadequate to maintain a school) 
might be most beneficially applied consist- 
ently with the intention of the donors."^ 
This school, through the fostering care of 
Moses Brown, one of the original com- 

^ R. I. Yearly Meeting Records. 

2 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 255. 

3 Samuel Austin. Thomas Hazard, son of Robert (un- 
published). 



200 COLLEGE TOM 

mittee on its foundation, opened again in 
Providence, January i, 1819, and has be- 
come the now famous Friends' School.* 

Once before Thomas Hazard had been 
interested in the foundation of an educa- 
tional institution. The act of incorpora- 
tion of Rhode Island College, passed in 
1764, names him as one of the incorpora- 
tors, and he was appointed one of the origi- 
nal Board of Fellows at the same time.^ 

But the Revolutionary question was the 
absorbing one of the time, and the Friends 
of South Kingstown bore noble testimony 
against " Carnal war and Fightings." This 
is a phrase of College Tom's, who signs him- 
self Clerk of the day, upon which the min- 
ute containing it is drawn up. The hand- 
writing of the Narragansett men of the last 
century is very similar. Peleg Peckham, 
Joseph Congdon, and Thomas Hazard all 
wrote very much alike, but I am inclined to 
think after careful comparison, that the 
Thomas Hazard, Clerk this day, is his own 
signature, and the first hundred and seventy- 
five pages of the second book of Records, 
as well as several marriage records, are in 

^ Augustine Jones. Moses Brown, p. 24. 
2 R. I. C. /?., vol. vi. p. 386. 



FRIENDS' SUFFERINGS 20I 

the same hand. He and Peleg Peckham 
are appointed in 1778 to transcribe "the 
several Rules or Minutes of the Yearly 
Meeting,"^ and throughout his life his pen 
seems to have been at the service of the 
meeting, from the time in 1753 when he 
presented his first copy of minutes at the 
request of Friends. It is an excellent clear 
hand, both strong and flowing, and ends 
in 1 78 1, in the middle of a sentence, which 
is continued by a different person. All 
through the war this same hand records the 
minutes, and very often Thomas Hazard is 
instructed to draw them. The sufferings of 
Friends ramified in a way we should hardly 
think of. Not only were they subjected 
to hardship by the distraining of goods 
when they felt obliged to decline the pay- 
ment of their rates, but they must not be con- 
cerned in any of the profits of war. We 
can hardly blame the good Friend who in 
the scarcity of reading matter bought what 
came to hand, but he is dealt with because 
he "purchafed some Books at a Vandue 
that came on Shore in a Vefel & fold as 
plunder taken in War." " The money itself 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. io8. 

2 Ibid.^ vol. ii. p. 120. 



202 COLLEGE TOM 

became a difficulty to a tender conscience. 
At an adjournment at Newport, 13th day 
ist mo. 1776, there was some — 

Advice to F'^' in regard to receiving 
and pafsing the late paper Currency that 
is made and pafsed in these Colinies If- 
sued Exprefsly for the purpose of carry- 
ing on war it is recommended to friends 
Serious Consideration and Obfervation 
and that each Particular meeting have a 
coppy thereof to read publick.^ 
Numberless Friends were disowned for 
being concerned in military matters, even 
so far as to hire substitutes, and the young 
men who enlisted themselves, " the offence 
being so repugnant to Truth," were summa- 
rily denied. 

Friends were advised by the meeting for 
sufferings at Providence of 8th mo. 13th, 
1776, to "enter deeply into themselves & 
not implicitly follow the sentiments of 
others, but see that their proceedings therein 
are in the liberty of the Truth." ^ This is 
in relation to the act called the Test Act, 
passed by the General Assembly in June of 
the same year. Suspected persons of ques- 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 55. 

^ Appendix, Minute of Meeting for Sufferings. 



THE TEST ACT 203 

tionable loyalty to the United Colonies 
were required to subscribe to a declaration 
that the war against Great Britain was 
" just and necessary " and to promise to af- 
ford no assistance to the king's armies or 
fleets, but hearty aid in the defense of the 
United Colonies. A special clause pro- 
vides that " in case any person so sum- 
moned shall produce a certificate from the 
Clerk of any Meeting of the Friends, that 
he is in unity with that society, or shall 
make the affirmation directed in an act en- 
titled 'An act for the relief of persons of 
tender consciences, and for preventing their 
being burthened with military duty,' he 
shall be excused from subscribing to the 
said declaration or test." ^ 

The South Kingstown meeting accord- 
ingly took action and made the following 
minute, nth month, 1776. 

This meeting is informed that through 
late Laws Friends are subjected to severe 
penalties on certain Requifitions which 
they may be releafed and excused from 
by Producing a Certificate to the chief 
Officers from our Clerk Setting forth that 
they are members of the Religious So- 

1 R. I. C. J?., vol. vii. p. 568. 



204 COLLEGE TOM 

ciety called Quakers therefore the clerk 
is directed to make and Sign Certificates 
to our members applying for the same 
where no diforder or irregularity doth ap- 
pear and every such applying member is 
earnestly desired to Examine and see that 
nothing be done out of the truth that our 
Teflimony may be preferred pure and no 
reproach brought upon friends.^ 
But though the meeting was so strong 
in its testimony against war, it was very 
pitiful for the suffering which followed in 
its wake. 

jst jmo j^y5 

It is the advice of this meeting that all 

friends that has suffered or may hereafter 

Suffer on ace' of milliterry Services send 

the ace*' and prices thereof in Value of s*^ 

Sufferings to the Clerk of this meeting 

and for the Clerk to Transmit an ace' to 

the meeting for Sufferings.^ 

Thomas Hazard, from the first, was a 

member of this Meeting for Sufferings,^ and 

was present at every meeting for the first 

two years, fifteen meetings in all, and very 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 51. 

2 Ibid. 

8 R. I. Yearly Meeihig Records, 1776. 



RELIEF OF SUFFERING 205 

regularly throughout the troublous times. 
Nor was Friends' concern confined to their 
own society. Thomas Hazard was one of the 
signers of the address sent to both General 
Washington and General Howe. " As vis- 
iting the fatherlefs & the widows," it reads, 
" and relieving the distrefsed by feeding the 
hungry & clothing the naked, is the subject 
of this addrefs we cannot doubt of thy atten- 
tion to our representation and request on 
their behalf." It informs the generals that 
the petitioners have been intrusted with a 
considerable sum of money from Friends in 
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and asks 
leave to enter Boston to seek and relieve 
sufferers. John Collins, T. Hazard, Moses 
Farnum, I. Lawton, and Moses Brown are 
the signers.^ At the meeting for sufferings 
of 2d month, 1776, T. Hazard, son of Rob- 
ert, and Moses Brown make report that the 
committee have distributed the donation to 
the late sufferers in Boston and Charlestown, 
now dispersed through various towns which 
are mentioned, " the n° of necefsitous fami- 
lies & single persons being 141, & the am't 
distributed (at this time) ;/^229, 4^ as p''acc*." 
These two friends had the towns about 
1 R. I. Yearly Meeting Records. 



206 COLLEGE TOM 

Washington's headquarters at Cambridge 
assigned them as their district, and the 
" great Bay Mare " never made a more im- 
portant journey. It was perhaps of this 
journey that a charming story is told. Col- 
lege Tom, oppressed doubtless with a sense 
of the difficulties of his task, and the sad 
state of his country, mounted his horse and 
rode down the lane followed by the loving 
eyes of his wife, and the bright gaze of a 
young relative. As he disappeared, the girl 
turned to go in, when her aunt said, " Wait 
a moment, he has forgotten something," 
and presently the clatter of the horse's 
hoofs was heard returning. Up the lane 
he rode, stooped and kissed his waiting 
wife, and set off with good courage upon 
his journey. 

The war pressed close home, when it 
came not only to Newport, but to the very 
borders of Thomas Hazard's farm. On the 
31st of 8th month, 1778, — 

The preparative meeting of So. Kings- 
town informs this meeting y* the Old 
Meeting House in s'^ Town has been 
lately occupied as a Hofpital for the sick 
lately landed out of the French fleet and 
greatly Damaged and likewife a pale and 



DAMAGES BY WAR 20/ 

board fence almost wholly Diftroyed. 
Therefore Andrew Nichols Jr. and 
Thomas Hazard of Rob' are appointed to 
apply to the Barrak master (and Others 
whose right and Bufmefs it is or may be) 
requefting the reparation of s'^ Houfe and 
fences or adequate Damages therefor.^ 
The committee on damages soon — 
. . . report that they Understood thirty 
pounds only of the ^54 and upward which 
the Damages done to s^ House & Fences 
about the Lott were Eftimated at were 
allowed & that s*^ thirty pounds was not 
yet paid Therefore Thomas Hazard is 
Defired to apply for the same.^ 
This experience in treating with French 
officers fitted him to serve on the committee 
of Friends at Newport in 1781, which was 
instructed to wait upon the Commander-in- 
Chief of the French Army, as the meeting 
deems " it incumbent to uphold our Chris- 
tian testimony against our houses of worship 
being used for purposes of war." The 
French officers who were in possession of 
the meetinor-house treated the committee re- 
spectfully, " and according to afsurance then 

1 S. K. M. M. /?., vol. ii. p. 109. 
^ Ibid., vol. ii. p. 113. 



208 COLLEGE TOM 

given caused the house to be cleared & in a 
few days the key to be delivered up & the 
house in our quiet pofefsion." ^ 

In this year he was also on a committee 
to draw up and sign a statement of what 
" may be best to transmit to posterity " as to 
the sufferings of friends for the Testimony 
of the Society. This paper has not been 
found, but it can hardly carry greater weight, 
as to the principle involved, than the minute 
recorded in College Tom's own hand ex- 
pressing the sense of the South Kingstown 
meeting : — 

25th 6mo. 1 781. 
This meeting being under a weighty 
concern to maintain the several Branches 
of Our Chriftian Teftimony and as that 
against war or Contributing thereto is 
One wherein wee at present are Tried 
in a more Especial Manner Therefore 
Tho^ Hazard Tho^ Wilbur Jn° Knowles 
and Amos Collins are appointed to Vifit 
Friends in their Families and to En- 
courage them to have an Ear open to 
the Voice of Truth in their Own Hearts 
& to attend to its Inflruction regarding 
Every Tender Scroople not Only respect- 

^ R. I. Yearly Meeting Records^ 1781. 



DEPREDATIONS OF WAR 209 

ing the Payment of such requisitions as 
are or may be wholly for the Purpofes of 
war ; But alfo where they may be mixed 
And to be fully perfuaded that they move 
therein Confiflant with the mind of 
Truth believing that thofe who Doubt 
and yet Pertake are Condemned. S"* 
committee are to make report as soon as 
they conveniently can.^ 
The diary of Nailer Tom shows how 
close home the trial pressed. May 8th, 
1779 "Regulars landed in Point Judith" 
is his laconic record. On the 21st of the 
same month "The Regulars landed last 
night and carried off negroes," he says. A 
week later "the privateersmen took the 
fish boats. I went to see them," he adds. 
The next month, June 2d, while he "held 
harrow for Cousin Hazard," and " Planted 
our beans," " Chaddock was taken in his 
fish boat by the Privateersmen." A few 
days later " The Regulars landed and took 
Samuel Congdon " and " burnt two houses 
last night." AH this happened in the early 
days of June; on the 12th there was "an 
alarm in the night."" But in spite of it 

1 S. K. M. M. R., vol. ii. p. 273. 

2 Narr. Hist. Register, vol. i. No. i, pp. 39-40- 



2IO COLLEGE TOM 

all the daily life went on, and Nailer Tom 
hoed corn and made stone wall for Cousin 
Hazard. Cousin Hazard is an important 
figure in his diary. He helps him make hay, 
bring home his wheat and rye ; " Cousin 
Hazards bees swarmed and flew away into 
Knowles' garden " ^ is a fact important 
enough to make the item of a day. He 
lodges and dines with Cousin Hazard, and 
records the visitors there. " The three 
Suseys," Susey Hazard, Susey Champlin, 
and another cousin "staid at cousin Haz- 
ard's." " Tommy and Nancy " came to the 
old home, " Tommy," the second son, who 
is called so by all his contemporaries, hav- 
ing married Anna Rodman, June 6, 1780. 
He was the first son to leave home, going 
" into the verge of Greenwich meeting," 
the records declare, and then to New Bed- 
ford, the home of his charming wife, where 
he became a whaling merchant, and finally 
to New York. Robert, the eldest son, 
went to Vermont about 1 790, apparently ; 
as late as 1794, Thomas Hazard, Jr., writ- 
ing to his daughter Sarah, who is visiting 
her grandparents at Tower Hill, says that 
" thy grandfather's journey into Vermont I 

1 Narr. Hist. Register, vol. i., No. 4, p. 283. 



OLD MEETING-HOUSE DESTRO YED 2 1 1 

fear will be too much for him at this ad- 
vanced time of life." ^ The third son, Row- 
land, applied to the monthly meeting, in 
1790, for a certificate, as he was going to 
Charleston, South Carolina, on "outward 
bufmefs and has the profpect of Rifiding 
there for a time." ^ So Thomas Hazard's 
house was left desolate. In this same year 
also the meeting is informed that the " old 
Meeting Houfe is demolished by fire," and 
that Friends " now have no settled place 
to meet in."^ College Tom was immedi- 
ately put upon the committee " to Confider 
of a Size Suitable to build a meetinghous 
where the old hous was ; " but it seems an 
epitome of the shattered life of the country- 
side, so desolated by war that the very 
meeting was rendered homeless for the 
time. 

But brighter days came to the farm with 
the coming of the sweet daughter-in-law, 
after whom Peace Dale is named. She 
came to Narragansett as the bride of Row- 
land Hazard during the summer of 1794, 
and was greeted by the large family con- 

^ Extracts from The Journal of Sarah Howland, com- 
piled by Howland Pell, p, 84. 

2 ^. K. M. M. R., vol. iii. p. 22. 8 /j/^.^ vol. iii. p. 8. 



212 COLLEGE TOM 

nection with great cordiality. The few who 
remember her speak of her with great 
enthusiasm as a most sensible and delight- 
ful woman. Thomas Hazard, Jr., writing to 
his young daughter at Tower Hill, quaintly 
expresses his admiration. " I fully rely," 
he writes, " on thy attention to the advice 
& council of thy grandmother and aunt 
whose refined experience will be improving 
to thee." ^ 

The long life of College Tom was now 
drawing to a close. He had lived to see 
great changes. Born in an almost patri- 
archal state of society, surrounded with 
slaves, with many relatives as his com- 
panions, with many acres under cultivation 
by his father, and the colonists loyal sub- 
jects of the king, he now saw the great 
farms divided, the country impoverished, 
and launched on its independent career, 
and, what he most cared for, the Society of 
Friends in Rhode Island owning not a slave 
among its members, and using all the force 
of its example as well as its preaching 
to exterminate the slave trade. His long 
efforts had borne fruit. In his latter years, 
Thomas R. Hazard says he used himself as 

* Extracts fromThe Journal of Sarah Howland, p. 85. 



CHANGES IN NARRAGANSETT 2 1 3 

an example of the deceitfulness of the human 
heart. It was a point of doctrine he had 
always sought to inculcate in his preaching, 
but he at last discovered, he said, " that 
he himself had ruled South Kingstown 
monthly meeting forty years, in his own 
will, before he found it out ! " ^ 

As Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers 
appeared in the very early part of our 
narrative, Jemima Wilkinson appears in 
these last years. She had her following on 
Kingston Hill, the Little Rest which under 
her despotic sway must have literally 
deserved its name. Husbands were parted 
from wives, and children from parents. 
She attempted to raise the dead ; the Uni- 
versal Friend became the author of discord. 
In 1784, the year which saw the culmina- 
tion of so many of Thomas Hazard's hopes, 
she left Narragansett for her " New Jerusa- 
lem" in the Genesee Country." What 
Thomas Hazard thought of these proceed- 
ings we do not know. It is another in- 
stance of the individualism which marked 
the Narragansett Country that the proph- 
etess flourished in it so long. 

1 T. R, Hazard, Recollection of Olden Times, -p. 108. 

2 Updike, p. 233. 



214 COLLEGE TOM 

But New Lights, and Ranters, and wars, 
and demolitions by fire, began to lose their 
interest to the old man so touchingly de- 
scribed by his daughter-in-law. 

MARY PEACE HAZARD TO ROWLAND HAZARD. 

South Kingstown, Oct. 17, 1796. 
As to thy father or mother taking 
charge of it (the farm) it is impossible for 
thy father seems to notice nothing. He 
is no more than a child. I do not think 
he can live much longer. He goes to 
meeting of a first day but the only way 
he knows when it comes is by having a 
clean shirt given him to put on. He 
does not go on fifth days because he 
does not know when it comes. He has 
at present, I believe, gotten a bad cold 
for his back is so lame he cannot turn 
himself in bed. He has been so for three 
or four days. Thy mother is also very 
poorly. There is scarcely ever a day but 
she is obliged to lie down three or four 
times. She has been the same way all 
the spring and summer. She has got a 
complaint I hardly think she will get rid 
of. Dr. Easton has been to see her 
several times but he does not do her any 



RECORD OF DEATH 215 

good. He has been over here on account 
of a lawsuit he has with Tommy Hazard 
the blacksmith and stayed here night 
before last. Thy mother talked with him 
about herself. He has promised to send 
her some medicine over by the first oppor- 
tunity but he does not seem to have 
much faith in it himself. He told her she 
might depend upon it that if it did her no 
good it would do her no harm. 

There were still two years which College 
Tom had to live, and it is almost a relief 
to find the entry in the Friends Meeting 
Records, — 

Thomas Hazard Son of Robert and v 
Sarah Hazard Departed this Life the 
26'^ of 8'*^ M° 1798 about 8 o'clock in s/ 
the Evening and was buried the 28'^ of 
the Same Who Was in the 78*^ year of 
his age^ 

That is all ; there is no word of eulogy, 
no mention of his long and faithful service, 
no statement even of the meeting for his 
funeral, or the place of his burial. Tradition 
says that his grave was made in the burial 

1 S. K. M. M. Records of Births, Marriages, and Deaths. 
" Old Book," p. 27. 



2l6 COLLEGE TOM 

ground of the old Meeting-house he loved, 
but the life that he lived, a life full of the 
faithful performance of the daily duty, full 
of high and strenuous endeavor for all right 
thinking and noble living, the life which 
served his own day so well, has left its im- 
press upon succeeding generations. 



APPENDIX. 



SELECTIONS FROM COLLEGE TOM'S 
PAPERS. 

1698-1795. 

I. Mr. Samuell Sewall's Deed. 
(Parchment, twenty-six inches by thirteen^ 

This Indenture made the Twenty Eighth day of 
Aprill Anno Domi One thousand Six hundred Ninety 
and Eight And in the Tenth Yeare of the Reigne of 
our Sovereigne Lord King William the Third over 
England &c*. Between Samuell Sewall of Boston 
in the County of Suffolke within his Majties Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay in New England Esqr 
and Hannah his wife of the one part, and Thomas 
Hazard of Boston Neck in the Kings Province or 
Narragansett Country in New England aforesaid Yeo- 
man on the other part Wittnesseth that the said 
Samuell Sewall and Hannah his said wife for and in 
Consideraton of the Summe of Seaven Hundred 
Pounds Current money of New England to them in 
hand paid and Secured in the Law to be paid att and 



2l8 APPENDIX 

before the Ensealeing and delivery of these presents 
by the said Thomas Hazard, wherewith they acknow- 
ledge themselves to be fully Satisfied and contented. 
And therefore they the said Samuell Sewall and Han- 
nah his said wife Have given granted bargained Sold 
aliened enfeoffed conveyed and confirmed, and by 
these presents for themselves and their heires Doe 
ffully freely cleerly and absolutely give grant bar- 
gaine Sell aliene enfeoffe convey and confirme unto 
the said Thomas Hazard his heires and assignes for 
ever Three Hundred Acres of Land of their ffarme 
Scittuate lying and being in the Pettaquamscot Pur- 
chase in the Narragansett Country aforef"* which Rob- 
ert Hannah Lately occupied ; which said three Hun- 
dred Acres of Land is butted and bounded Southwest 
upon Land of Jahleel Brenton, Northeafl by Samuel 
Wilfons Land and Northvveft by Land of the said 
Sewall Viz' the remaining Two hundred acres of faid 
ffarme reserved to him said Sewall thereont next Sac- 
atuckett River. Alfo all their Shares right and Jnter- 
eft of and in the Lands on y^ Neck called and knowne 
by the name of Little Point Judith Neck. Also 
all that their Lott of Land containing by Eftimacon 
Six hundred Acres be the fame more or lefs lying in 
the Narragansett Country aforef'^ by the seaside there, 
being the Lott N° 2 and is bounded Westward by the 
Lott of Thomas Mumford, and Eastward by the Lott 
of Benedict Arnold or however otherwise the premis- 
ses are bounded or reputed to be bounded. Together 
with all and Singular the profitts priviledges wayes 
Easements rights Libertyes advantages benefits comod- 
ities heredita^ts emoluments and appurtenanses what- 
soever to the said granted and bargained premifses 



APPENDIX 219 

and to every part and parcel thereof belonging or in 
any wise appertaining or therewith now or heretofore 
used occupyed or enjoyed. And the revercon and 
revercons remainder and remainders rents ifsues and 
profitts thereof. And alfo all the Eftate right title 
Intereft inheritance use pofsefsion Dower thirds prop- 
erty claims and demand whatsoev'' of them the faid 
Samuell Sewall and Hannah his said wife and of 
either of them of in and to the Same and every part 
thereof To Have and to Hold all the above and be- 
fore mentioned granted and bargained premisses with 
th' appurtenances and every part and parcel thereof 
unto the said Thomas Hazard his heires and afsignes 
forever. To his and their owne Sole and proper ufe 
benefitt and behoof from henceforth and forever 
more. And the faid Samuel Sewall and Hannah his 
said wife, and their heires, all and Singular the before 
hereby granted and bargained premisses and every 
part and parcel thereof with th' appurtenances unto 
the said Thomas Hazard his heires and afsignes, 
againft them the said Samuell Sewall and Hannah his 
said wife their heires and afsignes, and every of them, 
and againft all and every person and persons claime- 
ing by from or under them or any of them Shall and 
will warrant uphold and forever defend by these pres- 
ents. And the said Samuell Sewall and Hannah his 
said wife for themfelves their heires Executor's and 
Administratores hereby covenant promife grant and 
agree to and with the P Thomas Hazard his heires 
and afsignes in manner following That is to Say 
That he the faid Thomas Hazard his heires and af- 
signes and every of them Shall and may by force and 
virtue of these presents from henceforth and forever 



220 APPENDIX 

hereafter Lawfully freely peaceably and quietly have 
hold use occupy pofsefsn and enjoy all and Singular 
the abovegranted and bargained premifses with th' ap- 
purtenances and every part and parcel thereof : and all 
and every the rents ifsues and profitts thereof, without 
any manner of Lett Suite trouble vexation eviction 
disturbance hindrance or moleftation whatsoev"" of the 
i^ Samuel Sewall and Hannah his s"^ wife their heires 
or afsignes or of any other person or persons what- 
soev"", any thing haveing or Lawfully claimeing in the 
said premifses or any part thereof from by or under 
them or any of them. Free and cleere and cleerly 
acquitted exonareted and discharged of and from all 
and all manner of former and other gifts grants bar- 
gaines Sales Leases releases mortgages Joyntures 
dowers Judgements Executions entailes fines forfeit- 
ures Seizures amerciaments and of and from all other 
titles troubles charges and Incumbrances whatsoever 
had made committed done or Suffered to be done or 
to be had made comitted done or Suffred to be done 
by the said Samuel Sewall and Hannah his said wife 
or either of them their or either of their heires or af- 
signes or any others by their or any of their meanes 
act consent privity or procurement att any time or 
times before or after the enfealeing hereof In Witt- 
NEfsE whereof the said Samuel Sewall and Hannah 
his s"^ wife party to tbefe prefents have hereunto Sett 
their hands and Scales the day and yeare firft above- 
written. 

Sam Sewall Hannah Sewall 

(Two seals.) 



APPENDIX 22 1 



Endorsement on back. 



Rec*^ the day and yeare firft within written of the 
within named Thomas Hazard the Summe of ffive 
hundred Pounds Current money of New England in 
part pay"* of the purchase consideracon within men- 
coned, and taken his bond or obhgacon for the other 
Two hundred pounds. 

Sam Sewall. 

Signed Sealed and Deli^^ in prefence of us 

William Longfellow 
Joseph GARifH 

Boston Aprill 28th 1698 
The within named Samuell Sewall Efq"^ and Han- 
nah his wife perfonally appeareing before me the Sub- 
fcriber one of the members of his Maj^i^s Council for 
the province of the Mafsachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
land & Justice of Peace in the Same Acknowledged 
this Instru"* to be their ffree and voluntary act & 
deed. 

John Walley 

Memorandum that on the fowrth day of May : Anno 
Dom' i6g8 Full quiet and peaceable pofsefsion of all 
and every y^ Lands within mentioned to be granted 
was Taken and Had by Thomas Mumford of Poynt 
Judith in the Naragansett Country Yeoman the At- 
torny of the within named Samuell Sewall and Hannah 
his wife by force and virtue of a Letter of attorney to 
the f^ Thomas Mumford in that behalf by them made 
beareing date y^ 28''* day of April 1698. For and in 



222 APPENDIX 

behalf of the said Samuell Sewall and Hannah Sewall. 
And was afterwards by the Same authority for and in 
their name delivered by the f<^ Thomas Mumford unto 
the within named Thomas Hazzard. To hold to him 
the f^ Thomas Hazard his heires and afsignes accord- 
ing to y^ forme & Effect of the within written deed. 
In prefence of those whofe names are hereunto fub- 
fcribed. 

Joseph Hull 
Nathanael Niles 
The mark of X Robert 

NiCOL 

All the within and before Written Inftruments are 
Recorded orderly In the 19. 20 & 21 pages of the 
Second Booke of Land Evidences belonging to Kings- 
town No. 3 Aprill the 8th 17 14. 

P: Sam^^ Fones Town Gierke 

Endorsed on the back, 
M^ Samuell Sewall's deed. 



II. Receipt for Rent from Mr, Brenton. 

Newport June the 6*'' 1702 then received of M"" 
Thomas Hazard Six pounds current money of New 
England, it being in full for four Years Rent of a lott of 
Land in the Little neck in Pettaquamfcut from Lady 
Day 1698 to Lady Day 1702. 

^\ me Jahleel Brenton. 



APPENDIX 2-3 



III. Letter from Judge Sewall to Thomas 

Hazard. 

{Paper -written on tivo sides of a double sheet.) 

Boston Feby 21 1689. 

'^^^havTrec'd a letter from the Pettaquamscot 
Purchasers earnestly soliciting me either to meet them 
myseU at Pettaquamscot, or Newport, or else to .m- 
power some body in my Stead to give them a Meetmg 
for the further settlement & Division of our Lands 
that so there may be a bar laid in the way of those 
who Irl ready enough to take the advantage m this 
toe of so much Lawlefs Liberty, to intrude themselves 
ITo the Potsefsions & Lands of others, to the exclu- 
fion of the Rightful! Owners. My Circumftances are 
such that I cannot attend it myself, and I Intreat you 
o pardon my freedom with you in defirmg you to 
undertake so 'troublesome a piece of Service for me 
Necefsitv in a great meafure puts me upon it, not 
"g'whom t'o impower : and the concern is no o 
be slighted wherefore I hope you will deny yourself so 
to a to engage in it. I presume they have by them 
a Copy of thefr Letter to me, which will give you an 
accZt of the businefs. I would intreat you m all 
::;cTs to act m my behalf as you would do for your 
self were the Case your own as it is "»"e^ dislike 
Lv may not speak of dividing Pomt Judith Neck. 
K Ly Ld it necefsary, I have the Righ^f «° 
e enL at leaft, if not more ; and in the Little Ne k 
by the outlet had more -en [then ?] half, if not all , till I 
slid :ne Share to my Tenant Rob- Hannah whom in- 
treat you to Salute and encourage m my Name when 



224 APPENDIX 

you see him. He is Son in Law to Mr Wilson one of 
the purchasers. &c &c. 

Mr. Thomas Hazard, What is above written, and 
that on the foregoing fide, is a true extract copyed 
out of my Letter to Major John Walley deceafed, when 
he dwel'd at Briftol ; as it (lands enterd in my Booke 
of Letters. I am 

I have fent you Sir, your friend & Serv* 
one of my Leafes Samuel Sewall. 

to Robert Hannah. 
Bofton ; Nov^. s'.i? 
1716. 
(Addressed) For 

Mr. Thomas Hazard 

At Kingston 

Narraganfet 

IV. Opinion of the King's Attorney General 
IN Regard to a Quaker Governor. 

( Written on three sides of a double sheet) 

Cafe 

The Colony of Rhode Island by Virtue of their 
Charter granted them by King Charles Anno 1663 
Annually Elects their own Govern^ & Inferior Officers 
both Civil & Military. 

Qu^ Whither One of the People called Quakers 
upon being chosen Govern"" of the said Colony is 
Oblidged to take a Solemn Oath to the Acts of Trade 
considering our Charter and the Indulgence granted 
them by Act of Parliament in Respect to Oaths And 
whither a Solemn Engagement upon an Affirmation is 
not Sufficient in that Cafe. 



APPENDIX 225 

I Have Perufed & Confidered that Clause in the 
Charter which Relates to the Election of a Governour 
and likewife that Clause which Directs that before his 
Entry upon his OfBce he shall give a Solemn Engage- 
ment by Oath or Otherwife for the due and faithful! 
Performance of his Duty, 

I Have likewife read over the Opinion of M"". Auch- 
muty which was left along with this And am of Opin- 
ion that a Quaker if duly elected Governour may act as 
Such without being Oblidged to take any Oath whatfo- 
ever. 

The Solemn Engagement which he is to Oblidged to 
enter into by the Charter may be by Oath or Other- 
wife And instead of the Abjuration Oath and the 
Oath of allegiance and Supremicy There are Cer- 
tain forms of Affirmation or Declaration prefcribed 
by the Stat. 8 G. j. to be taken by Quakers in lieu 
thereof. 

As to the Oath directed to be taken by the Govern- 
ours of English Plantations by the Stat. 7 & 8 W & 8 
& 9 W for the Obfervance of the Several Acts relating 
to the faid Plantations I am of Opinion upon Confid- 
eration of the Several Acts made in favour of Quakers 
That if a Quaker Governour Solemnly Affirms in the 
form Prefcribed by act of Parliament That he will Ob- 
serve the Several Acts relating to the English Platita- 
tions ; Such Affirmation will be deemed a sufficient 
Complyance in him to the faid Two Acts 7 & 8 W & 8 
& 9 W And will exempt him from the Penalties of 
thefe acts. 

J WiLLES Augst 26'^ 1734 
A True Copy 

Exam per J Lyndon Cler 



226 APPENDIX 

London 6™°- the 27th 1734. 
Govern" Wanton 

This Serves to Inclofe the Kings Attorney 
Generals Opinion Upon the Cafe relating to a Gov"^- 
of your Colony that may be one of the People called 
Quakers which Opinion I think is Entirely with us I 
am in great Hopes and expectation That the next 
Letter will bring me the Agreeable Advife of what I 
requested of the Colony respecting the Augmentation 
of my Salary which I really deferve confidering the 
Paines I take to Serve the Colony with faithfullnefs 
who Am Thy afsured Friend. 

Ri', Patridge 
We have no Warr yet 

20th Do. Pray Acquaint my Friends Goulding 
Wanton & Coddington I have this Day rec«^ the Gold 
Dust per Wimple, and in my Next fhall advife them of 
it and what Price I sell it for and that I have got ;^2oo 
Insur'd on the Guns per Roufe Potter R. P. 

A True Copy 

Exam per J. Lyndon Cler. 

V. Attestation of Thomas Foxcroft and Charles 
Chauncy. 

{Paper written on three sides of a double sheet?) 

We the Subfcribers, Teaching Elders or Pastors of 
the first gathered (com.'y called the Old) Church in 
Boston New England being desired to give our 
Attestation to what we know of Mefs.''^ W"^ Brenton^ 
John Hull 6- Samuel Wilbore ancient Members of 
Our said Church and whose Names are mention'd 
among the Fetaquamfcut Purchases. 



APPENDIX 227 

This is to Certifie all whom it may Concern 
That in the said Churche's Book of Records in 
Folio (carefully preserved) We find the following 
entries made fairly written At the head of Page 4^"^ 
Stand these words ^^ Members admited i?ito Boston 
Church " — and underneath the body of said Page is 
written "In the S^^ Month 1633 William Brentoii^^ 
with others. In the next page we find this Entry 
'■'■Members further Admited Jipon the i^^ of the lo^^'- 
Month 1633 Samuel Willbore &c And in the 26^* 
page still under the head of Members admitted in 
this Entry " The 15^^' Day of the W" Month 1648 {by 
Elder Oliver) jFohn Hull the son of our Brother Robert 

Huir' &ic. 

That Our said Church was from the beginning 
(Anno 1630) accounted One of the Strictest Con- 
gregationall Churches in all New England : That the 
Ancient Custom of the said Church has been to ad- 
mit her Adult Male Members (i) By an Examination 
of them per the Elders both as to their Doctrinall 
Faith and Experimental Piety &c (2) by their being 
openly propounded by the Elders sometime before 
hand in the Publick Assembly : (3) By their Exhibit- 
ing a Relation of their said faith & Experience to the 
Church in Publick : (4) By the Vote of the Brethren 
of the Church in publick : & (5) By a Publick entring 
into an Exprefs & Solemn Covenant with God and with 
the Church ; according to the known ancient & usual 
Practice of Churches Congregationall. 

That our said Church was wont from the beginning 
to Exercise a strict watch and Discipline over her Mem- 
bers : that her Ancient Records Report to us Numerous 
Instances of Church Censures both of Excommuni- 
cation & Admonition pafsd upon her faulty Members 



228 APPENDIX 

together with the Faults perticularly Specified But of 
the above mentioned Brenton Hull ^^ Wilbore we find 
no Censure or fault mentioned throughout the Records 
Indeed whereas the said Brenton dv Wilbore with 
divers others of the Members of Our Church (as 
'tis reported) did about the Year 1638 Remove to 
a Place then Called Aquethnick the same which is 
now Called Rhode Island We find an Entry made in 
Our said Book of Records (page 12) in the following 
words 

" The 16^^ Day of the la^-^ Month 1639 Our Breth- 
ren M^ William Hibbon Captaine Edward Gibon &* 
M*" John Oliver were Chosen 6^ Delegated by the 
Church to go to the Island of Aquethnicke to enquire of 
the State of Matters amongst our Brethren there and to 
require some satisfactory Answer about such thifigs as 
appear to be Offensive amongst them." Which Records 
Show both the covenanted Memberfhip of the Aqueth- 
nick Brethren with the said Church and the Church's 
Brotherly Affection and Concern for them upon the 
Rumor of Offensive things among them but no men- 
tion do we find in the Records of any fault of the said 
Brethren either before or after ; nor of any Dealing 
with them. And as for the said M'^ Hull it is well 
known he Continued with Our Church till the Year 
1669 when he became one of the Founders or first Con- 
stituents of the 3"^ gather'd Congregationall Church 
in Boston commonly Called the South Church. This 
Gentleman ^^as the Treasurer & a Magistrate of the 
Mafsachusets Colony, chosen in those times by the 
Freemen of the Colony and Maintain'd the Character 
both of a Congregational Man and a ftrictly Pious 
Christian to the Day of his Death Octob"" 1683 Which 
was before there appear 'd any Afsembly of Church 



APPENDIX 229 

of England People in all this Country : the first, and 
that a very small one, being set up at Boston about 
three Years after the said Mr HulTs Decease. 
The late Reverend M^ Willard then Pastor of the 
said South Church, embalm'd his Memory in An 
Excellent Funeral Sermon in Print ; wherein he Ob- 
serves, " TJiis Church hath lost an Honovmble Mem- 
ber'' &c And having given him a High & Just 
Character one Article of which is " The Honourable 
Respect he bore to God's Holy Ordinances by Deligently 
attending upon them" &c. He Closes his Commen- 
dation of M^ Hull with this Remarkable Exprefsion 
among others; ''His Constancy in all these, while 
Times have Changed— will /peak the Sincerity of his 

Profefsion " 

Boston NE Thomas Foxcroft 

Jan^ 29 X735 Charles Chauncy 

Nova Anglia I Joseph Marion Notary & Tabellion 
Publick Dwelling in Boston in New England by 
Royall Authority Duly admitted & sworn do hereby 
Certifie all whom it may Concern. That the Rev- 
erend Mefs- Thomas Foxcroft & Charles Chauncy 
above Named are Pastors of the first gather'd (Com- 
monly called the Old) Church in Boston New Eng- 
land who have Signed the foregoing Certificate by 
whom Certificates of the like Nature are usually made 
out and attested and accordingly full Faith &c 
Credit is and ought to be given to such the Attes- 
tation both in Judgment Court & without and I 
further Certifie that the said Mefs- Foxcroft & 
Chauncey signed the said Certificate in Presence of 
me the said Notary Thus Done at Boston in New 
England this 29 Day of January A D One Thousand 



230 APPENDIX 

Seven hundred & Thirty five Anno R'' R'^' Georgij 
Secundi Magnae Britanniae Nono 

Quod attestor manu Sigilloq^ Officij 

Rogatus 

Jos Marion Not'^ Pub^us 

1735 

VI. Will of Thomas Hazard. 

{Six Sheets of Manuscript, acknowledgment a7id appeal 

on the seventh^ 

I Thomas Hazard of South Kingstown in the Col- 
ony of Rhode Island &c Yeoman being Ancient and 
unwell but of Sound mind and Memory thanks be 
given unto God, Do therefore make my Laft Will 
and Teftament and as touching Such Worldly Eflate 
Wherewith it hath pleafed God to blefs me in this Life 
I give Devife and Difpofe of the Same in the follow- 
ing manner and form 

Imprimis My Will is That all my Juft Debts and 
funerall Charges be paid and Difcharged in Some 
Convenient time after my Deceafe by my Executor 
hereafter Named Out of my perfonale Eftate 

Item I give and bequeath unto my beloved Sons, 
Viz, Jeremiah Hazard, George Hazard, Benjamin 
Hazard, and Jonathan Hazard, the sum of Twenty 
Shillings Currant Money, to be Equally, Divided 
amongft them that is to Say five Shillings Each to 
them their Heirs and Aflignes for Ever, they haveing 
all and Each of them Receiv'd their portions Allready, 
To be paid in Old Tenor So Called, 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Grand- 
fon Fones Hazard One piece or tract of Land Scituate 
Lying and being in S<^- South Kingstown on the back 
Side of the Pond, So Called, and is part of a tract of 



APPENDIX 231 

Land I purchafed of Samuel Sewell Late of Boflon 
Deceafed Containing Two Hundred and Sixty Acres 
or thereabouts, and is bounded Northerly by Land of 
Said Fones Hazard Eafterly by Land of John Potter 
Southerly by the Sea and Weflerly by Land of Job 
Cord, I alfo give and Bequeath unto my Said Grand- 
son Fones Hazard Two Other pieces of Land Scituate 
Lying and being in Said South Kingstown the Biggeft 
piece Containing About One Hundred and Seventeen 
Acres, More or Lefs, Bounded partly on Land of 
James Perry and partly on Land of John Seagars, 
Eaflerly on Land of George Babcock, and Southerly 
on a High Way, and Weflerly on Sf^ Perry the Other 
Piece of Land Scituate Lying and being in Said South 
Kingstown Containing About Thirty Seven Acres, 
bounded by Land of Said Perry Northerly, and Eaft- 
erly by Land of John Seagars. Southerly on the 
Other piece Lafl Mentioned and Weflerly on Land of 
Said Perry all Which three tracts of Land, I give and 
Bequeath unto my Said Grandfon Fones Hazard to 
him and his Heirs for Ever and my Will is That if my 
Said Grandfon Fones Hazard Should Dye Leaving no 
Lawfull Iffue, that then the Said three tracts of Land, 
Shall return unto my four Sons Viz Robert Hazard 
George Hazard Benjamin Hazard and Jonathan Haz- 
ard and Shall be Equally Divided Amongft my Said 
four Sons, and return to them their Heirs and Affigns 
for Ever, And further my Will is that if my Said 
Grandson Fones Hazard Should Leave any Lawfull 
Iffue When he Dyeth and his Iffue Should Dye 
before they Arrive at Lawfull Age of Twenty One 
Years and have no Lawfull Iffue, that then and in 
that Case the three pieces or tracts of Land hereby 
given and Bequeathed unto my S<i- Grandson Shall 



232 APPENDIX 

for Want of Such Iffue, the Same Shall return unto 
my Said four Sons, as Above faid to them their Heirs 
and Affignes for Ever 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved 
Daughter Hannah Eaflon the Sum of five Shillings 
Currant Money Old Tenor, to her, her Heirs and 
AfTignes for ever She haveing Received her portion 
Already to be paid by my Executor hereafter Named, 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my two beloved 
Grand Daughters Merrian Hazard and Hannah Eaf- 
ton Children of my Daughter Mary Eallon Late of 
Newport Deceafed the Sum, of One Hundred pounds 
Currant Money Old Tenor, to Each of them my Said 
Grand Daughters to be paid them by my Executor 
hereafter Named in ten Years After my Difceafe, but 
if it Should happen that Either of my Said Grand 
Daughters Should Dye before the Expiration of S^ 
Ten Years, in that Cafe my Will is, that the Survivor 
of them Shall have the Whole of Said Two Hundred 
pounds at the time Abovef'^ but if it Should happen 
that both my S"^ Grand Daughters Should Dye before 
the Expiration of Said Term and Leave no Lawful! 
Iffue in that Cafe the Said Legacy Shall be Void and 
Ceafe, but if Otherwife then to be to them their Heirs 
and Affignes for Ever 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Grand 
Daughter Mary Hazard, and to her heirs and Affignes 
for Ever the Sum of fifty pounds Currant Money Old 
Tenor, to be paid in ten Years After my Difceafe by 
my Executor hereafter Named 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Grand 
Daughter Sufannah Gardner and to the Heirs of her 
Body, the Sum of fifty pounds Currant Money Old 
Tenor to be paid by my Executor here after Named, 



APPENDIX 233 

in ten Years After my Difceafe, and to be Equally 
Divided Amongft her Heirs After her 

lTE;\r I give and Bequeath unto the Children of my 
Grand Daughter Ruth Underwood Deceafed the Sum 
of fifty pounds Currant Money, Old Tenor, to be 
Equally Divided Amongft them and paid by my Ex- 
ecutor hereafter Named in Ten Years Aifter my 
Deceafe, and to be to them their Heirs and Affignes 
for Ever 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Daugh- 
ter Sarah Eafton The Sum of Two Hundred pounds 
Currant Money, Old Tenor, to be paid to her, by my 
Executor hereafter Named in ten Years After my 
Deceafe But Notwithftanding What is Abovefaid My 
Will is That if my Said Daughter Sarah Eafton 
Should have Occaflion of any part of Said Two Hun- 
dred pounds before the Expiration of the Said Term 
of ten Years after my Deceafe that then and in that 
Cafe my Executor Shall pay to her any part of Said 
Two Hundred pounds as her Neceffities may re- 
quire at the Difcretion of my Executor and if it 
Should happen, that She my Said Daughter, Should 
Depart this Life before the Expiration of Said 
Ten Years, that then my Said Executor Shall pay 
unto her two Sons, James and John Eafton, the Said 
Two Hundred pounds to them or to their Heirs, or 
so much of it as may Remaine Over and Above of 
What She hath Received of the Said Two Hundred 
pounds 

Item I give and Bequeath unto the Children of my 
Grand Daughter Sarah Gardner Which She had by 
Ichabod Potter Dec"^, the Sum of fifty pounds Currant 
Money Old Tenor, to be Equally Divided Amongft 
them and to their Heirs and Aflignes for Ever to 



234 APPENDIX 

be paid by my Executor in ten Years After my 
Deceafe. 

Item I give and Bequeath unto my beloved Son 
Robert Hazard the Sum of five Shillings Currant 
Money, Old Tenor, I alfo give unto my Said Son 
Robert Hazard All the Remaining part Remainder 
and Refidue of my Estate of What Kind Nature or 
Quality Soever Not before given Away by this prefent 
Will, Whom I alfo Conftitute Make and Ordaine and 
Appoint my Said Son Robert Hazard my Whole and 
Sole Executor of this my Laft Will and Teftament 
And I do hereby Revoke and DiffannuU all and Every 
Will or Wills heretofore made by me, Rattifying and 
Allowing this and no Other to be my Laft Will 
and Teftament, In Witnefs Whereof I have hereunto 
Sett my Hand and Seal this Twelfth Day of Novem- 
ber Annoque Dom, One thoufand Seven Hundred 
and forty Six 1746 

The Mark of Thomas T Hazard (Seal.) 
Sign'd Seal'd Publifli'd pronou'ced and Declared 
by the Said Thomas Hazard to be his Laft Will and 
Teftament in prefence of us the Subfcribers, 

John HANofoN Jur 
Abigail HANDfoN 
John HandCon 

South Kingstown November 27*^ A. D. 1746 
pERfoNALLV appeared before the Town Council of 
said South Kingstown John Handfon Jun""' Abigail 
Handfon and John Handfon, Witnefses to the afore- 
going Inftrument, And on their Solemn Engagements 
declared. That they saw Thomas Hazard late of 
South Kingstown deceased. Sign, Seal, and Declare 
the said aforegoing Inftrument to be his laft Will 



APPENDIX 235 

and Teftament And that in his prefence they set 
their Hands as Witnefses thereunto, And that the 
said Teftator was in his perfect Mind and Memory 
at the fame time The said laft Will and Teftament 
being thus proved it is approved by the s^- Town 

Council. 

Per order of the Town Council 
BENja- Peckcom Jun''- Cler. of the 

Council for the day. 
From which Judgment, Benjamin Hazard of South 
Kingstown in behalf of Benjamin Hazard of New- 
port^'in the County of Newport prays an Appeal unto 
ye Governor & Council of the Colony of Rhode 
Island which is granted, he the said Benjamin first 
giving Bond to this Town Council to Profecute s^. 
Appeal with effect 

Per order of the Town Council 
BENja- Peckcom Jun""- Cler of 
the Council for the day. 
The above and aforegoing Instrument is Recorded 
in the 181 : 182 : 183 : 184: 185 and 186 Pages of the 
Book of Records belonging to the Town Council of 
South Kingstown, &c. N- 4 Jan^^- 9^'^ day Annoque 

Dom: 1746 

By Th°- Hazard Cler. of the Concl : 

OPINION OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL. 

Endorsed '^ Copy Judgment {Govt &. Cojincil) on the 
Appeal Hazzard's vs Hafzardr 
At a General Council of the English Colony of Rhode 
Island & Providence Plantations in New England 
held at Newport within and for said Colony on the 
fourth Monday of August in the Twenty second 



236 APPENDIX 

Year of the Reign of his most sacred Majesty 
George the Second by the Grace of God of Great 
Britain France & Ireland King Defender of the 
Faith &c. 

Benjamin Hafzard of Newport in the County of 
Newport Merchant and Thomas Haszard Jun"" of South 
Kingstown in the County of Kings County Yeoman 
Appellant from the Judgment of the Town Council of 
South Kingstown aforesaid held at said South Kings- 
town on the Twenty seventh Day of November in the 
year 1746 Robert Hafzard of said South Kingstown 
Yeoman Appellee By which Judgment a certain In- 
strument bearing Date the Twelfth Day of the same 
Month called The Last Will and Testament of 
Thomas Hafzard late of South Kingstown aforesaid 
Yeoman deceased was proved and approved And 
Now the Parties being heard by their Attorneys and 
John Handson, John Handson Jun"" and Abigail 
Handson Wittnefses to the said Will declared on 
their solemn Engagements that they saw the deceased 
Thomas Hafzard sign seal and declare the said Will 
to be his Last Will and Testament and that in his 
Presence they set their Hands thereto as Witnefses 
and that the said Testator was in his Perfect Mind 
and Memory at the same Time On Consideration 
whereof and the Arguments of the Attorney of each 
Party This Council do confirm the Judgment appealed 
from and it is hereby confirmed. 

A true Copy examd by 

Tho Ward Sec^ 



APPENDIX 237 

VII A Copy of a Letter from Quebeck in 
Canada, to a Pr- M— r in France, dated 
October h, i747- 

{Printed on three sides of a folio sheet.) 

Great Sir, . , . 

Being refident for fome Years paft in this remote 
Part of the World, and my chief Employ being to vifit 
the feveral Nations of Indians, in order to eftabhlh 
them in the Catholic Religion, which makes them loyal 
Subjects to his moft chriftian majefty our royal maf- 
ter- and agreable to your Inftructions, great Sir, I 
have taken Pains to fettle a Correfpondence with 
fome of our Friends among the Enemy, who have 
given me a large Account of the feveral Provinces, 
Cities, Towns, and Villages, along the Sea Coaft, 
from South-Carolina to New-Fonndland ! A particular 
Information would be incredible to you in France, 
that in one Century fhould fpring out of a barren 
Wildernefs, fuch a Number of fine large Cities, Towns, 
and Villages, peopled in fo prodigious a Manner, as 
to amount to many 100,000 Inhabitants; and their 
Trade in Navigation is fo furprizingly large, that will 
furmount your Belief, when I tell you, That their 
Shipping large and fmall, is fo numerous as to amount 
to feveral 1,000 Sail, that they even cover the Seas, 
and carry on Trade to almoll all Parts of the World; 
and by the beft and moft authentic Accounts I have 
received, the Privateers fitted out of North-America, 
viz. Bolton, Rhode-Island, Nezv-York and the feveral 
Sea Port Towns, did us more Damage this War, by 
diftreffing our Trade, and taking our Treafures com- 
in- from our Sugar Plantations, than all the EnglifJi 
Men of War in the American Seas. The Privateers 



238 APPENDIX 

were fo numerous, and of fuch Force, from 20 to 30 
Guns, that would block up our Harbours, and take a 
Fleet of Ships at once, richly laden with Plantation 
Produce, befides Silver and Gold in Abundance. The 
Inhabitants of North-America have the Spirit and 
Blood of our Oliver Croimvell ; they are of the Race 
of Puritans that fled into New-England in The time of 
Perfecution, and they maintain an implacable Hatred 
againil the Komijli Religion ; and their refolution and 
undaunted Courage is fuch that whatever they under- 
take by Sea or Land againil us, they profecute with 
fuch violence, that we dread 1,000 of them, more than 
5,000 hired Soldiers from Old England : Witnefs that 
unparrallel'd Conqueft of our Cape-Breton; such a 
Fortrefs as we did not fear all the World ! But Oli- 
Z'^r-like, They faid. They could take it, and they would 
take it, and (to the Surprize and Wonder of all the 
"^oxXd) they did take it / They are as bold as Lions, 
and carry all before them ! Their Principles are fuch, 
they have no Dread in Battle : They are taught they 
fliall not die a-moment before their Time ; fo that if 
10,000 Cannons are pointed at them, they regard it 
not : They feem to be like the IJraclites of Old 1000 
will put 10,000 to Flight; and we believe in Canada, 
if 20,000 Troops had come from Old-England, they 
never would have taken that Fortrefs ; for you know, 
great Sir, fuch an Armament never fits out of Eng- 
land, but great Part of the Officers are Scotch and 
IriJIi, and many of them of our Religion ; but that is 
a Secret, and the major Part are feldom of any Reli- 
gion ; and as Money is what they are after, a fufficient 
Number of our Louis d'Orcs will at any Time furnifh 
them with a tolerable Excufe to raife a siege and with- 
draw. What a fine Joke did our young Hero put 



APPENDIX 2S9 

upon General Cope's Army in Scotland, by our taking 
Care before Hand to have fome of our hearty Friends 
in Office in that Army ; but the Fate of our Friends 
in Scotland was, the Duke had a Number of New 
Troops raifed by fome Proteflant Noblemen, who 
filled up their Regiments with fuch Officers and Sol- 
diers, that was not in our Power to bribe, nor had we 
Time to corrupt them ; that the Duke's Army was 
like thofe Neiv-England Puritans, who have their Re- 
ligion fo much at heart, that to deflroy our Holy Cath- 
olic Church is their Glory ; and I believe, better Sub- 
jects to a Proteflant Prince, is not to be found on the 
Globe ; they feem to be united as one Man againft us, 
except a Number of Scotch and IriJJt that fled over to 
New-England, that are of our Religion and fome 
lately upon that fatal Battle at Ciilloden : and I under- 
lland fome of the latter were Officers in Prince 
Charles'' Army, and I truft our true Friends will pro- 
mote them ; and now, great Sir, I will firft inform 
you of our prefent Circumftances in Canada, and then 
the Reafon New-Engla?id fo furprizingly exceeds us 
in Number of Men, Shipping, Trade &'C. and then 
a Method to weaken and impov'rilh them, and ad- 
vance ourfelves upon their Ruin. As to the inhabi- 
tants of Canada, our principal Men are Officers and 
Factors ; the Officers are Spiritual and Military : We 
of the fpiritual Order, you know, great Sir, will have 
the Fat of the Land at Home or Abroad ; the Civil 
and Military are yearly paid their feveral Salaries, 
with Cafh fent from our Royal Mafter, with which 
they make a confiderable Figure, the Planters and Arti- 
ficers are generally very poor, feldom having any 
Money but when the Soldiers are paid off, and then 
they get a few Livres, but are immediately obliged to 



240 APPENDIX 

go and pay it to the Factors, who trufted them for 
fome coarfe Clothing, and the Factor fends the Cafh 
to France again, in order for a new Supply of Goods ; 
and the poor Creatures feldom handle a Livre more, 
until the Soldiers are paid off again, and I am bold 
to fay, all our little Farmers and Mechanics are not 
able to build and fit out a Veffel of any Bignefs a for- 
eign Voyage. If they can own a Fifhing Shallop, 
they are brave Fellows ! And were it not for the Na- 
tives, by our extraordinary Pains and Induftry, we 
get and keep in our Intereft, we ihould be foon drove 
out by thefe implacable Oliverians. But I muft now 
inform you, the true Reafon our Enemies on the Sea 
Coaft, fo abundantly furmounts us in Men, Shipping, 
Trade, &>€. as our Friends inform me : They fay. 
When thofe Puritans firft came over to Nezv-England, 
they were distreffed, as we now are, for want of 
Money, and could not fit out a Ship nor Veffel no 
better than our Poor ; but as Neceflity is the Mother 
of Invention, they got into a Method of making Paper 
Money, and it foon obtain'd a Currency, fo that in a 
little Time, the feveral Provinces got into the Prac- 
tice, and furniftied the Inhabitants with large Sums, 
at an eafy Lay, that in a fliort Time they were enabled 
to tear up Trees by the Roots, and to fplit the Rocks 
in Pieces, clear their Land, Fence it in, plough, fow, 
reap and mow, build Houfes, Ships, and Veffels of all 
forts, load them with Mafts, Spars, Boards, Staves, 
Oyl, Bone, Fifh, Tar, Turpentine, Iron, Beef, Pork, 
Butter, Cheefe, Wheat, Flour, Rice, Tobacco, Skins, 
Furs, dT^r. So that in half a Century they covered 
the Seas with Ships and Veffels, and fent them to for- 
eign Markets, and in Return, over and above what 
Produce they wanted, they bought vaft Quantities of 



APPENDIX 241 

Gold and Silver, and fent that Home to their Mother 
Country to pay for what Neceffaries they wanted, hav- 
ing no use for the fame, fo long as Paper Currency 
anfwers for a Medium of Trade. The making Paper 
Money I am told has been of fuch general Advantage, 
that they fend Home in hard Cafh, many ;^i 00,000 
per Annum and there are very few poor amongfb them. 
The Farmers and Tradefmen of all forts, are jointly 
concerned with the Merchant in building and fitting 
out Ships and Veffels, and concerned in owning and 
fitting out Privateers this War, fo that we need not 
wonder the Seas were fo full of them out of North- 
America^ when all the Inhabitants of all Ranks and 
Degrees are unanimoufly agreed to ferve their King 
and Country, and diftrefs us, and all by the Help of 
that pernicious Paper Money, that makes them rich 
and powerful, able to do Wonders by Sea and Land. 
I am told, the fmall petty Colony of Rhode Island, has 
200 Sail of Veffels belonging to it, and had above 20 
Sail of Privateers of large Force this War ; and if the 
Governments are fuffered to go on making Paper 
Money, they will drive us out of this Part of the 
World, without ony Help from their Mother Country, 
And I muft tell you, great Sir, if Half the Force that 
took Cape-Breton had come directly to Quebeck, we 
fhould have furrend'red, for our chief Concern was 
about packing up our Alls and vamping off, having a 
Rumour of their coming ; and we dreaded thefe Puri- 
tans, knowing there were none of our Religion amongfl 
them ; and they were not to be bribed with Louis 
d' Ores, as the European Officers often are : But the 
Scheme I propofe, great Sir, is, I have certain Infor- 
mation, That great Numbers of the rich Merchants 
have a Defire to have a final Stop Put to Paper 



242 APPENDIX 

Money, by Reafon the Planters and Mechanics run fo 
much into Trade and Navigation, that they cannot 
endure their fellow Functioners fhould grow rich by 
the fame Advantage as they got their Eflates by. 

It feems moft of the rich Merchants in the feveral 
Governments were originally mean Farmers and 
Tradefmen, as Shoemakers, Taylors, Copperfmiths, 
Carpenters, and the like : But what Need we care 
what they were, or what they are, if we can accomplifh 
our Ends by their Help ; and to bring this about, great 
Sir, we muft employ our Friends at Loiidon and elfe- 
where, and advife them to make our Scotch Friends in 
the feveral Towns in New-Engla7id popular, by putting 
them into Bufmefs, as Mafters of Ships, and by Con- 
figning large Quantities of Goods to others, which will 
make them popular and powerful ; fo that they may 
get into Favour with fuch Merchants as are against 
Paper Money, and then by any Art or Craft, get a num- 
ber to fign a Petition to go Home to the Parliament of 
Great-Britain, in order if pofTible to put a Stop to the 
Currency ; and if fuch a Petition fhould come to Lon- 
don, figned as before mentioned, you muft enjoin our 
true Friends in and about Lofidon, to spare no Pains 
nor Money to get the Petition to pafs ; and if we bring 
this Scheme about, and flop a Paper Currency, I am 
bold to fay, inftead of their having a hundred large 
Privateers out of North- America, it will be a Wonder 
if they have Twenty ; for I am told, the Farmers and 
Tradefmen have put their Land in Pledge for the Paper 
Money they fit out fo many Veffels with ; and the Mer- 
chants that have got the Paper Money in their Hands 
for the European Goods, defign, as foon as it is flopped, 
and to be called in, to take the Lands that are in 
Pledge from all the common People ; fo that all the 



APPENDIX 243 

lower Clafs will become like our Poor, to be well 
off to own a Fifhing Shallop. I would advife our 
Scotch Friends, as soon as the Paper Money is ftopp'd 
and to be called in, to collect all that they poffibly can 
of that, that is outftanding ; by this Method they will 
come in for a large Share of Lands, and fo become 
little Lards ; and it may be, in half a Century, we may 
have their feveral Clans to affift us as we have in the 
Highlands. The next Method I propofe, is to reduce 
the richefl Merchants among them, and oblige them to 
leffen their Trade ; and that is, great Sir, you muft 
write to our feveral rich Planters at our Sugar Iflands, 
and advife them to employ a Number of our polite 
Frenchmen, and fend them into the feveral Sea Port 
Towns on the Continent, viz. Bojlon, Rhode-IJland, 
Neiv- York, Philadelphia, and wherever we can carry on 
Trade ? and thefe Men mull get in Favour with fome 
confiderable Merchant in each Town, to furnifh them 
with a fufficient Number of Veffels, in order to bring 
over our Produce, fuch as Rum, Sugar, Molaffes ; in 
fhort, we muft wink and connive at any of our Produce, 
to carry on our Scheme ; but let Rum be the chief 
Article, for by our manufacturing that, we Ihall make 
double Profit, and deprive our Enemies of that Advan- 
tage. And thofe Men thus employed muft improve 
the EngliJIi Merchants to fell our Produce for them, 
who will readily do it for Part of the Gain. And in 
order to procure Silver and Gold ; for our Planters 
muft not take any Thing in Return but Calh ; and by 
this Method, we may procure all the hard Money that 
is ftirring amongft them ; for when Paper Money is 
once ftopped, there can be no Medium of Trade ; and 
their Trade will be fo reduced, that there will be but 
little of that ; and thofe EngUJJi Traders that are not 



244 APPENDIX 

concerned with our Friends, will foon have no Ufe for 
their Veflels ; and being often obliged to fell at a low 
Price, our Friends muft be employed to buy them as 
Opportunity offers. If this Method, great Sir, is in- 
duftrioully and faithfully purfued and carried on, we 
Ihall unavoidably impov'rilh, diftrefs, and confound 
them : All the lower Clafs will no more be able to 
pay for Clothing from their Mother Country, but muft 
be contented to live as they did of Old to wander 
about in Sheep Skins and Goat Skins, and to dwell in 
Caves and Dens of the Earth ; and thofe of the high- 
est Clafs will be obliged to leffen their Trade, fell their 
Veffels, and no more be able to fend Home to their 
Mother Country, fuch Quantities of Silver and Gold. 
Then no more New- England Invafions, no more beat- 
ing down our Walls at Cape-Breton ; and when we 
have another War, we fhall not only have their Money, 
but their Veffels, and their Men being poor, muft feek 
Shelter in fome foreign Land. 

I conclude, great Sir, Your obedient Servant and 
faithful Subject to His Most Chriflian Majesty our 
Royal Mafier. 

Mc- O Ne L. 

VIII. SUSQUEHANNAH COMPANY RECEIPTS. 

(Written on stnall pieces of paper) 
Received of Robert Hafzard Esq"" of South Kings- 
town in ye Coloney of Rhodisland two Spanifh Milled 
Dollors in Complyance with y^ vote of y« Sufquehan- 
nah Company at their meeting Held at Hartford No- 
vember ye 21^' 1754- 

Received p"" me Sam^- Gray Com>e. 



APPENDIX 245 

Received of Robert Hafzard of South Kingftown in 
Compliance With y« vote of y^ Sufquehannah Com- 
pany this Day Paft at Hartford two Spanifh Milled 
DoUors Received p"" me 

Hartford November 

ye 2ist iy^4 

Windham 8th Jany 1768 
Received of Robert Hazzard Dec<i p"^ ye hand of 
Thomas Hazzard three Shillings a tax Voted by 
y^ Sufquahana Compv three Shillings on Each pro- 
prietor in full for s'^ tax which was Voted to be paid 
to Collo John H Lydins 

p"" me Jere Clement Com'^^ & attorny 
for S'^ Lydenis. 

ReceiV^ March the 4^^ 1768 of Thomas Haffard as 
heir at Law to Robert Haffard Deceased Three Shil- 
lings Lawfull money being the one third part of the 
money Voted (by the proprietors of the Sufquehannah 
Purchafe) to be Raifed on Each Right at the adjourn- 
ment of s^ Proprietors meeting the 6'^^ of January last, 
I Receive the same by vertue of an order from the 
Gierke of the h^ Proprietors. 

p' Ezra Dean, 

S° Kingstown the 4th of ye month Called Januy : 1767 

I Jonathan Hazard of Said Town County & Colony 
of Rhode Island &c yeoman Do Constitute Thomas 
Hazard of same Town County & Colony yeoman to 
appear at the Meeting of y^ Sufquehannah Company 
to be held at Windham by adjournment on the sixth 
of this Inflant There to act and Do any Thing or 
Things relative to the Purchafe of s^ Company which 
Shall be as binding & effectual as if acted & done by 



246 APPENDIX 

me being Perfonally Prefent as Witnefs my Hand the 

Day first above Written 

Jonathan Hassard. 
Ateft 

ROL'' ROBINfON, 

To the Company or proprietors of the Sufquehan- 
nah Purchace or to thofe of them that may be Con- 
vened at their meeting at Great Windham (as adver- 
tised) the 6* day of this Infl. Janv 1768 I hereby 
Certify by thefe prefents that I have and do hereby 
Conftitute and appoint my Friend Thomas Haffard of 
South Kingstown in the Colony of Rhode Island to 
be &: appear at the Said meeting, and there for me and 
in my name to appear act and do all and Every matter 
and thing, whatever that Shall be thought Requifite 
and Needfull for the further Eflablishment and good 
of the Said Purchafe, & that I will hold what the Said 
Thomas Haffard Shall do for & Concerning me in 
Said afair, as good and Valid to all Intents and Pur- 
pofes as tho I were Perfonally Prefent, — In teftimony 
whereof I have hereunto Subfcribed my name this 
4th day of January, a. d. 1768. 

S. Hassard , 



IX. An Apprenticeship Paper, 1768. 
(Printed Form, italicised words written in) 
This Indenture witnesseth, That Benjamin 
Haszard Son of Richard Haszard late of South Kings- 
town in the County of Kings County in the Colony of 
Rhode Island &'C. yeoman deceased, hath put Imnfelf and 
by thefe Prefents, doth voluntarily, and of his^ own free 
Will and Accord, and with the Confent of Nicholas 
Easton of Newport in the County of Newport in the 



APPENDIX 247 

Colony of Rhode Island &'C. EsqK Executor of the last 
Will &> Testament of the said Richard Haszard 6^ who 
by said Will is ifnpowered to put out the said Benjamin 
Haszard Apprentice put and bind himself Apprentice 
to Benjamin Hall of Newport aforesaid Esq^. And to 
Abigail Hall his Wife to learn the Art, Trade, or Myf- 
tery of a Cordwainer and after the Manner of an Ap- 
prentice, to ferv'e from the Day of the Date hereof for 
and during the Term of ten Years eleven Months <5v seven 
Days next enfuing, to be compleat and ended. During 
all which faid Term the faid Apprentice his faid Master 
&> Mistrefs faithfully Ihall ferve, their Secrets keep, 
their lawful Commands gladly obey : he fhall do no 
Damage to his faid Master or Mistrefs nor fee it done 
by others, without letting or giving Notice thereof to 
his faid Master or Mistrefs he (hall not waste his said 
Masters or Mistrefs'' s Goods, nor lend them unlawfully 
to any. he fhall not commit Fornication, nor contract 
Matrimony within the faid Term, At Cards, Dice, or 
any other unlawful Game, he fhall not play, whereby 
his faid Master or Mistrefs may have Damage, with his 
own Goods, or the Goods of others : he fhall not abfent 
himself by Day or by Night, from his faid Masters or 
Mistrefs's Service, without their Leave ; or haunt Ale- 
houfes, Taverns, or Play-houfes ; but in all Things be- 
have himself as a good and faithful Apprentice ought 
to do, towards his said Master d>» Mistrefs and all 
theirs during the faid Term. And the faid Master &' 
Mistrefs do hereby promife to teach and inftruct, or 
caufe the faid Apprentice to be taught and infbructed 
in the Art, Trade or Calling of a Cordwainer by the 
bell Ways and Means they can Aiid to find and provide 
for said Apprentice good &> fufficient Meat Drink Ap- 
parel Washing a?id Lodging suitable for such an Ap- 



248 APPENDIX 

prentice during said Term And at the Expiration 
thereof to give unto said Apprentice all his then wearing 
Apparell And to teach said Apprentice to read write and 
Cypher as far as the Rule of Three within said Term 
And in Consideratio?i of the s'f Master &> Mistrefs find- 
ing for s'f Apprentice his Apparell the s<^ Nicholas Eas- 
ton hath paid unto the said Benjamin Hall the Sum of 
four hundred Eowids old Tenor 

In Testimony whereof, the Parties to thefe Prefents 
have hereunto interchangeably fet their Hands and 
Seals, the nineteenth Day of January in the eighth 
Year of the Reign of Our Sovereign Lord George the 
third King of Great Britain, dvr. Annoq ; Dom. 1^68 . 
Signed, Sealed, and Delivered, Benj"^*" in haszard 

in the Prefence of 

Richard Thomas (paper torn) Easton 

Lemuel Baley 

X. A Lease from Stephen Champlin to his 
Mother, Signed by Both. 

{Manuscript, College Tain's hand.) 
This Indenture made the fifth day of February in 
the Twelfth year of the Reign of George the Third 
by the Grace of God of Great Brittain King Anno<i 
Domini One Thousand seven hundred & Seventy 
Two Between Stephen Champlin of South - Kings- 
town in the County of Kings County, in the Colony of 
Rhode-Ifland, &c. of the One part, and Mary Champ- 
lin of the Town County & Colonj'^ aforesaid Widow 
Woman & Relict of Stephen Champlin late of said 
Town deceafed of the other part, Witnesseth That 
the said Stephen Champlin for and in Confidera- 
tion of the yearly Rents & Covenants hereinafter re- 



APPENDIX 249 

served to be done paid and performed by the said 
Mary Champlin her Executors, Administrators or 
AfsiLs Hath Demifed, Granted, Sett, and to farm 
Letten And by thefe presents. Doth Demife, Grant, 
Sett, and to farm Lett unto the said Mary Champhn 

All that great Room in the Southeafl corner of the 
houfe where she now liveth in Point Judith m said 
Town which is Given to my brother Thomas Champlin 
in ye Will of our Father Late Deceaf "^ and also the the 
(sic) Bedroom (in the Northeast corner of said Houie) 
& the bedroom in the Chamber over the same with 
full & free Liberty to Pafs and repafs to and froni the 
same either in her Own Perfon or Others at her Plea- 
fure, together with a convenient Place at the Door of 
sd Houfe sufficient for Firewood and also a Priv.ledge 
in the Well for Water, and appurtenances thereunto 
beloncring To Have and To Hold the said three 
Room's in the said Dwelling Houfe with the Rights 
and Priviledges herein before demifed ^^o ^he^-^^ 
Mary Champlin, from ye Twenty fifth day of the m d 
month called march for and durmg and unto the full 
end & Term of Five years from thence next enfuing 
and fully to be compleat and ended (If she the said 
Mary Champlin shall so Long Live) att and under the 
Yearly Rent of One Pepper Corn to be paid unto the 
said Stephen Champlin his Heirs and Afsignes always 
upon the Twenty fifth day of ye third month in every 
year of the said Term And it is Agreed by & between 
the the {sic) said Parties, that in Case, the said Mary 
Champlin shall dye before the Expiration of this 
Term Then the remainder of the said Term shall im- 
mediately Ceafe & Detirmine And the said Stephen 
Champlin shall immediately enter upon the said De- 
mifed Premifes and hold the same, notwithltanding 



250 APPENDIX 

this Prefent Demife and Leafe or anything therein 
Contained. In Witness whereof the Parties first 
first above named to thefe Prefent 

have sett their Hands and Seals the day and year 
above Written 
Sign'<i Seal''^ and DeHver'<i 
In Presence of us Stephen Champlin (Seal.) 

Tho Hazard of Rob^. Mary Champlin (Seal.) 

Robert Hazard 

XI. Manuscript in the Hand of Thomas Hazard 
Son of Robert. 

To all People to whom these Prefents shall come 
whereas Stephen Champlin late of South Kingfi;own 
in the County of Kings County & Colony of Rhode 
Island &c Yeoman deceafed Did in & by his Laft Will 
and Teftament in writing bearing date the Twenty 
firft day of July one Thoufand seven hundred Seventy 
and one 1771 among other Gifts and Legacies Be- 
queathed to my Brother Robert Champlin his Heirs 
and Afsigns for ever One Certain farm or Tract of 
Land lying and being in Point Judith in s^ Town 
Called the Potter Farm and alfo by said Will Ordered 
my said Brother Robert Champlin to Pay his four Sif- 
ters Four Hundred Dollars each, as may more fully 
appear by said Will, Which farm is Leafed by an Oral 
Leafe Two Years of which leafe is yet to come from 
the twenty fifth day of March next enfuing the date 
hereof to Samuel Congdon of said Town & Nicholas 
Gardner of exetor son of George Gardner Now Know 
Ye that I Stephen Champlin son and Heir at Law to 
said deceafed & Executor to said Will as alfo men- 
tioned as Refeduary Legatee therein Yeoman For and 
in Confideration of and allowance made me by my 
Mother Mary Champlin Widow in a Leafe bearing 



APPENDIX 251 

even date herewith of her Right of Dower & Power of 
thirds in the Farm where She now Uves in Point 
Judith in said Town and for the Love Goodwill & 
affection which I have and Do bear towards my said 
Brother Robert Champlin and for the Better enabling 
him to Pay his said siflers their Several Legacies 
bequeathed as aforefaid and for Promoting & eftab- 
lifhing a lading Peace unity & Harmony throughout 
our Whole ffamily Have given, granted, releafed and 
forever Quitclaimed and by thefe Prefents do freely, 
fully, and abfolutely give grant, releafe, & for ever 
Quitclaim unto him the said Robert Champlin his 
Heirs and Afsignes for ever all that my Right Prop- 
erty Claim & Demand either in Law or Equity in 
by & through either & all my aforefaid Capacities 
of in and unto the Rents & Profits that shall and 
may arife out of said Leafed Lands during the Two 
years as aforefaid To Have and to hold the same 
to him the said Robert Champlin his Heirs and 
afsignes forever so that neither I the said Stephen 
Champlin nor my Heirs or any other Perfon in the 
name Right or Stead of us or any of us shall hereafter 
have. Claim Challenge or demand any Right, Eftate 
Title Intereft Property or Demand of in or to the 
same, But from all and every action & Suit brought 
or to be brought for the same or any Part thereof 
shall & Will be foever Excluded & Barred by these 
Prefents In witness whereof I the said Stephen 
Champlin have hereunto sett my Hand and seal the 
fifth day of February one Thousand seven hundred & 
Seventy Two. 
Signed Sealed & Delivered 



in the Presenc of us 

Th° Hazard son of Robt 

Elizabeth Hazard 



y Stephen Champlin (Seai) 



252 APPENDIX 

XII. Letter from Matthew Griswold to Gov- 
ernor Wanton. 

( Written on two sides of a folio sheet.) 

For 

The Honourable 

Joseph Wanton Esq' 
Att Newport 

Gov'' of the Colony of 

Rhode Island &c Lyme June : i9*'» : 1773 — 

There- 
sa 

Your Favour of the 15**^ Ins* is come to hand: 
Shall pay all due attention and lay it before the 
Judges of our Sup"" Court at the next Interview wee 
have. 

Tho, am not able to say that as a Court wee can 
properly Interpofe in the Matters you Refer to. 

The People Claim^^ as Slaves are Esteem'^ with us 
as the Proper Objects of the Care and Protection 
of the Government in Common with Other Inhabi- 
tants. If any outrage undue Violence or Inhumane 
Severity is used it is Esteem'^ the Duty of the Inform- 
ing & Peace officers of the Colony to Interpofe & 
give Relief upon proper Application made to them. 

As to the Matters of Slavery our Common Law 
Courts are Open and wee have had Sundry Instances 
within my Observation of actions bro*^ wherein the 
Points in Question & upon which the Caufse Turn"* 
was whether the Perfon Claim^ as a Slave was 
Legally so or not. Some Obtain^ others Did not 
According to the Evidence & attending Circum- 
ftances of Each Individual Cafe. — Our People 



APPENDIX 253 

who have Demands of that kind Claim it as a Right 
to have a Day in Court ; a fair Chance to prove 
their Special Property (if any they have) I appre- 
hend Those Trials were Estem"^ open & fair — Yet it 
seems Thofe Things are not greatly Favour^^ in Law : 
by People of Consideration here Inasmuch as the 
Negroes who have been Manumitted in this Colony : 
being Ignorant of the Art of Honeft living have 
Frequently become Strowling vagrants have United 
with Thieves & Burglars & prov<^ very Troublesome 
and Dangerous Inhabitants. I sho^ be Concern<i that 
any People Sho"^ be opprefs"^ by unlawful holding in 
Servitude. Justice ought to be done to Every one. 
If any material of Importance Sho^ further Occur 
upon further Confideration & Consultation Upon this 
affair Shall give Your Hon*" the trouble of Another 
Letter. 

I am with Great Esteem & Respect Your Hon" 
Moft Obedient Humble Serv' 

Matth.w Griswold 



XIII. Copy of a Minute from Quarterly 
Meeting. 
(Manuscript.) 
We desire you may be more particular and explicit 
in your answers for the future, and that you would 
remind the several monthly meetings of the same, 
they having frequently come and at this particular 
time in too general a manner, not serving to give so 
clear and perfect an account of your State as the Im- 
portance of the Cafe requires. We desire not to be 
too Cenforious, whether Indifferancy in the Cafe or 
an unwillingnefs to exprefs the weaknefs failings and 



254 APPENDIX 

Imperfections of your State or whatever may be the 
Caufe thereof we know not. But we befeech you that 
in anfwering the Queries you give the utmost Care to 
render the same in as plain full and Concise terms as 
may be. 

Daniel Underwood. 

(Reverse Side) 
Meets for Sufferings adjourned untill the Second 
Second day of the 8''* month 1775. 
Moses farnum Nathan Davis 

Moses Brown Jacob Mot Jr. 

Jeremiah Hacker Thomas Stear 

Joseph Mitchel John Collins 

Thomas Hassard Theophilius Shove Jun 

IsACK Lawten Samuel Gold 

Thoms Lapham Jr Joshua Devol 

George arnal Philip Wanton 

Jeremiah asten Joseph Southwick 

John Rogers Eben Chace 

Benjamin arnal David bufam 

Jonathan Macy John Casse 

Barzilla Tucker Caleb Rusel. 



XIV. Copy of a Minute of the Meeting for 

Sufferings held at Providence y^ 13TH 8"^" 

Mo 1776. 

This Meeting again taking under Consideration a 

Certain Act of the General Assembly lately passed 

called the Test Act, and also an Act passed in the 

7th M° last (so far as they relate particularly to 

Friends) wherein it is provided that if any Friend 

bring a Certificate from the Clerk of the Monthly 



APPENDIX 255 

Meeting to which he belongs that he is in Unity such 
Friend shall be excused from certain requisitions & 
exempted from the penalties mentioned in said Acts. 
It is the conclusion of this Meeting that it may be 
safe for any Monthly Meeting to grant Certificates to 
any Member applying for the same, for the purpose 
afores^ after the necessary inquiry made & due regard 
had in said Certificate to the State & standing of said 
Member ; Nevertheless it is earnestly recommended 
to all such applying Members to enter deeply into 
themselves & not implicitly follow the sentiments of 
others but see that their proceedings therein are in 
the liberty of the Truth, & the Clerk is desired to 
send a Copy of this Minute to the Monthly Meeting 
of Rhode Island & other Monthly Meetings as occa- 
sion may require. 

XV. Release of Guardianship. 
{Manuscript) 
Know all Men hereby. That I Robert Hazard of 
South Kingston in the County of King's County, 
Yeoman (Son of Richard Hazard) Have and do 
hereby for and in Confideration of the Sum of One 
hundred & forty five pounds six shillings & eight 
pence half penny lawful money wh I have this day 
rec"^ of Thomas Hazard of s'^ South Kingston, the 
receipt of wh I do hereby acknowledge, difcharge & 
releafe the said Thomas Hazard from all and every 
demand of any nature kind or quality whatever wh I 
have against him, as well for the time during wh he 
was my Guardian, & rec^ the profits of my Estate as 
all other demands wh I have againfl; him, (not mean- 
ing hereby to difcharge my former Guardian Enoch 



256 APPENDIX 

Hazard for any demands I have againft him) In Wit- 
nefs wherof I have hereto set my hand this twenty-six 
day of April A. D. 1776. 

Robert Hazard Son of Richard. 
Witness. — 

F. J. Helme. 

XVI. Constitution of the Providence Society 
FOR Abolishing the Slave-trade. 

{Printed on one sheet. No date.) 
It having pleafed the Creator of mankind to make 
of one blood all nations of men, and having, by the 
diffufion of his light, manifefted that, however diverfi- 
fied by colour, fituation, religion, or different ftates of 
fociety, it becomes them to confult and promote each 
others happinefs, as members of one great family : It 
is therefore the duty of thofe who profefs to maintain 
their own rights, and efpecially thofe who acknow- 
ledge the obligations of Chriflianity, to extend, by the 
ufe of fuch means as are or may be in their power, the 
bleffings of freedom to the whole human race ; and in 
a more particular manner to fuch of their fellow-crea- 
tures as by the laws and conflitution of the United 
States are entitled to their freedom, and who by fraud 
or violence are or may be detained in bondage. And 
as, by the African flave-trade, a fyftem of flavery, re- 
plete with human mifery is erected and carried on, it 
is incumbent on them to endeavour the fupprelTion of 
that unrighteous commerce ; to excite a due obfer- 
vance of fuch good and wholefome laws as are or may 
be enacted for the abolition of flavery, and for the 
fupport of the rights of thofe who are entitled to free- 
dom by the laws of the country in which they live ; 



APPENDIX 257 

and to afford fuch relief as we may be enabled to 
thofe unhappy fellow-citizens, who, like the fons of 
Africa, falling into the hands of unmerciful men, may 
be carried into flavery at Algiers or elfewhere. 

From a conviction of thefe truths, and the obliga- 
tion of thefe principles, and from a defire to diffufe 
them wherever the vices and miferies of flavery exift, 
and in humble reliance on the favour and fupport of 
the Father of mankind, the fubfcribers have formed 
themfelves into a Society under the title of The Provi- 
dence Society for aboliJJiing the Slave-Trade. For 

affecting thefe purpofes they have adopted the follow- 
ing rules : 

I ft. The Society fhall elect, by a majority of votes 
to be taken by ballot, a Prefident, a Vice-Prefident, 
one or more Counfellors, a Secretary, and a Treas- 
urer, who Ihall refpectively continue in office for one 
year from the time of their election, and at the expira- 
tion of every year fucceeding, there fhall be a new 
election of officers in the fame manner. 

2d. The Prefident fhall have authority to maintain 
order and decorum at the meeting of the Society, and 
to call a fpecial meeting at any time, with the advice 
of three of the Standing Committee herein after 
named. 

3d. The Vice-Prefident, in the abfence of the Prefi- 
dent, fhall have the fame authority as the Prefident : 
and in cafe the Prefident fhall die or be difplaced, the 
Vice-Prefident fhall officiate until a new Prefident be 
chofen. 

4th. The Secretary fhall keep a record of the pro- 
ceedings of the Society, in a book to be provided for 
that purpofe, and fhall caufe to be publiihed, from 
time to time, fuch part of the proceedings, or refolu- 



258 APPENDIX 

tions, as the Society may order, or the Prefident with 
the Standing Committee between the meetings of the 
Society may think proper to direct. 

5th. The Treafurer, if required by the Society, fhall 
give fecurity for the faithful difcharge of the trufl re- 
posed in him, and Ihall keep regular accounts of the 
monies received and paid, obferving always to pay no 
money without an order figned by the Prefident, or a 
majority of a quorum of the Standing Committee, who 
are prohibited from drawing, between the ftated meet- 
ings of the Society, for a larger fum than ten pounds, 
unlefs efpecially empowered by the Society at a previ- 
ous meeting. 

6th. If any of the officers above named fhall refign 
or be difplaced, the Society fhall fill the vacancy in 
the mode prefcribed by the firft article ; and if the 
Prefident and Vice Prefident, or Secretary, or Treas- 
urer, be abfent at any of the meetings, the Society 
may elect one to officiate pro tempore. 

7th. The Society fhall meet once in every quarter, 
that is to fay, on the 3d. fixth day in the 2d, 5th, 8th, 
and nth months in every year, at fuch place as fhall 
from time to time be agreed upon, in order to receive 
the reports of the Standing Committee, and devife the 
ways and means of accomplifhing the objects of this 
infbitution. 

8th. That nine members, with a Prefident or Vice- 
Prefident, conftitutionally affembled, be a quorum of 
the Society for tranfacting bufinefs. 

9th. Every member after fubfcribing thefe rules fhall 
pay into the hands of the Treafurer two-thirds of a 
dollar, and at the commencement of every quarter 
one-fixth of a dollar ; and all donations to the Society 
fhall be made through the Prefident, who fhall pay 



APPENDIX 259 

them to the Treafurer, and report them to the Society 
at the next quarterly-meeting. 

loth. Any citizen of the United States, who fhall 
be recommended by two-thirds of the Standing Com- 
mittee to a quarterly-meeting, fhall be balloted for, 
and if approved by two-thirds of the members prefent, 
he fhall be declared a member. The Committee of 
feven fhall have Authority to receive fuch members as 
may offer and fubfcribe before the next quarterly- 
meeting, this rule notwithflanding. 

nth. Two thirds of the members prefent at a quar- 
terly meeting fhall have power to expel any perfon 
whom they may deem unworthy of remaining a mem- 
ber, and no perfon fhall be a member who holds a 
flave, or is concerned in the flave-trade. 

12th. It fhall be the bufmefs of the Counfellors to 
explain the laws and conilitution of the States, which 
relate to the emancipation of flaves, and to the flave- 
trade. And, when it becomes neceffary, to urge the 
due execution thereof, and their claims to freedom, 
before fuch perfons or Courts as are or may be author- 
ized to decide on the fame. 

13th, A Standing Committee of feven members 
fhall be appointed to tranfact the bufmefs in general, 
four of whom are empowered to act ; whofe duty it 
fhall be to take the mofl effectual meafures to accom- 
plifh the objects of this inflitution agreeable to the 
direction and at the expence of the Society, and to 
report a particular account of their proceedings at the 
next quarterly-meeting, at which time two of their 
number fliall be releafed from the fervice in the order 
their names fland on the minutes, and the vacancy 
filled up by the fame or two others appointed in their 
room, and in like manner a difmiffion and appoint- 



26o APPENDIX 

ment of two fhall take place at each fucceeding quar- 
terly-meeting. 

14th. The foregoing Rules fhall be in force without 
alteration fix months, after which period they Ihall be 
subject to fuch alterations as two-thirds of the mem- 
bers prefent, at a quarterly-meeting, fhall agree upon. 

XVII. Will of Thomas Hazard Son of Robert. 

{Written in his own hand on two sides of a large quarto 
sheet of paper) 

Be it Remembred this Nineteenth day of the 
Twelfth Month in the Year of our Lord one Thousand 
Seven Hundred and Ninety Three that I Thomas 
Hazard of South Kingstown in the County of Wash- 
ington and State of Rhode Island &c. Yeoman being 
of a Sound disposing mind and memory and in a 
pretty good State of health for which and all Other 
favours I desire to be very thankfull, and calling to 
mind the mortality of my body and knowing that it is 
Appointed once for man to die do in the fear of God 
make and Ordain this to be my Last Will and Testa- 
ment that is to say first I will that all those Debts I 
do owe in Right to any persons with my funeral 
charges be well and truly content and paid in a con- 
venient time after my deceafe by my Executrix here- 
after Named out of my personal Estate and as touch- 
ing Such Worldly Estate as it hath pleased God to 
blefs me with in this life I give and Dispose of the 
Same manner and form following. 

Imprimus I give and bequeath to my beloved Wife 
Elizabeth Hazard the use and improvment of the 
west end of my dwelling Houfe that is to say Two 
Rooms above Stairs and the two rooms under them 



APPENDIX 261 

and previledge to get Water out of the Well So long as 
She Shall Remain my Widow, I also give to her Two 
Cows and my great Bay mare so Called, and my Chafe 
with the previledge of its Standing in the Chafe House 
I alfo give her the keeping of the two Cows & horfe 
or great bay Mare to go in the Chafe during the time 
She Remains my Widow I also give her my House 
hold furniture Except what I Shall otherwife mention 
and give away in this Will, I also give her my Silver 
Watch and the keeping of the three creatures the mare 
to be kept in the Stable in the Winter Seafon & the 
Cows to be kept well to hay, I alfo give to my said 
Wife One Hundred pounds Lawful money to be raised 
out of my perfonal Estate by my Executrix hereafter 
Named, all which gifts and Legacies to her are in Lieu 
of her Right of Dower and power of thirds of in and 
unto my Estate. 

Item I give and Bequeath to my Beloved Son Rob- 
ert Hazard and to his Heirs and Afsigns forever all 
that part of my homestead farm in South Kingstown 
which lyeth to the Eastward of the Country Rhode 
Containing about One Hundred and fifty Acres more 
or lefs together with my Rights on a Sedge Island so 
called said Lands being Bounded Westerly on the 
Country Rhode Northerly partly on Elisha Watfons 
Land and partly on Job Watfons Land. Easterly 
partly on Pettyquamscet River including my rights on 
a Sedge Island & partly on a Cove Southerly on Wal- 
ter Watfons Land, I alfo give him one feather bed and 
furniture with all my Notes I have against him, and 
my Will is that he shall keep the Creatures as given 
to his Mother and Allow her the previledges as afore- 
said out of what I have given him. 

Item I give and Bequeath to my beloved Son 



262 APPENDIX 

Thomas Hazard the Note I hold against him for five 
Hundred and Thirty Eight pounds, and one feather 
bed and furniture. 

Item I give and Bequeath to my beloved Son Row- 
land Hazard and to his Heirs and Alsigns forever all 
my Lands lying in South Kingstown above the Coun- 
try Rhode or to the Westward of said Rhode Contain- 
ing about One hundred and fifty Acres more or Lefs 
With the Buildings thereon Standing the Same being 
Bounded Easterly on the Country Rhode Southerly 
partly on land lately belonging to John Case Deceased 
and partly on Jeremiah Niles's land Westerly on said 
Niles's Land Northerly partly on said Rowland Haz- 
ards Land and partly on Job Watfons Land I alfo give 
to my Son Rowland Hazard Two feather beds and 
furniture and all my Notes against him. 

And all the Remainder of my Lands and Real Estate 
where ever the Same may be I give to my Said Three 
Sons and to Their Heirs and Afsigns forever to be 
equally Divided among them I alfo give to my said 
three Sons Each of them Two Silver Table Spoons. 

And all the Remainder of my personal Estate I give 
to my aforesaid Wife and Three Sons to be Equally 
Divided among them. 

And Lastly I hereby Nominate and appoint my Be- 
loved Wife Elizabeth Hazard to be my whole and Sole 
Executrix of this my Last Will and Testament Ratti- 
fying and Confirming this only to be my Last Will 
and Testament hereby Revoking and disannulling all 
former Wills & Executors by me heretofore made In 
Witness and Confirmation Whereof I have hereunto 
Set my hand and Seal the day month and Year first 
Within Written. 

THOMAS HAZARD. 



APPENDIX 263 

Signed Sealed published pronounced and Declared 
by Thomas Hazard the Testator be be {sic) his Last 
Will and Testament in the prefence of us as Wit- 
nefses. 

Andrew Nichols 

Robert Knowles. fon of Joseph 

Andrew Nichols Jun"". 

Be it Remembered that at a Town Council held in 
South Kingston the io*i? September A D 1798. Person- 
ally came Messrs Andrew Nichols & Andrew Nichols 
Jun^ and on their Solemn Affirmation declare & say 
that they Signed their Names as Witnefses to the pre- 
ceeding last Will & Testament of M"" Thomas Hazard 
DeC^. together with M"" Robert Knowles and the Tes- 
tator Signed his Name in their presence & they Signed 
as Witnefses in his presence & in presence of each 
other at the same time, and that said Testator was 
then in his perfect mind and Memory. Whereupon 
said last Will and Testament being thus proved it is 
approved of as and to be the last Will and Testament 
of said Testator. 

Signed by Order of said Town Council 

James Helme Council Clerk 

Recorded the foregoing in the Council Book N°. 6 
belonging to South Kingston Pages 416. 417 and 418. 
Sep"". 18. 1798. 

James Helme, C. Q^\ 
50 Cents. — T. Hazards Will 



264 



APPENDIX 



XVIII.- Rhode Island Currency. 

Quotations from the letter of Governor Richard 
Ward to the English Board of Trade, January 9, 1740, 
showing the value of different issues of paper money 
in silver.^ 



Year 17 10 (First Issue) 

" 17 15 First Bank 

" 1 72 1 Second Bank 

" 1728 Third Bank 

" 1 73 1 Fourth Bank 

" 1733 Fifth Bank 

" 1738 Sixth Bank 

" 1740 Seventh Bank 



one ounce 
of silver 
equalled 



8 Shillings in bills. 

12 " 

16 " 

18 " 

22 " " 

25 " " 

27 " " 

27 " 



Old Tenor Bills. 

Table fixing the value of old tenor bills 
periods, for the use of the courts, made by 
Assembly June, 1763.'' 

SPANISH MILLED DOLLARS. 



at different 
the General 









£ s. d. 


I75I I 


Spanish Milled Dollar 


equal to 


2 16 00 


1752 " 






3 GO GO 


1753 " 






3 IG GO 


1754 " 






3 15 00 


1755 " 






4 5 GO 


1756 " 






5 5 00 


1757 " 






5 15 00 


1758 " 






6 00 00 


1759 " 






6 00 00 



1 S. S. Rider, R. I. Historical Tracts, No. 8, 

2 R. /. Colonial Records, vol. vi p. 361. 



P-S5- 



APPENDIX 


265 




£ s. d. 


1760 I Spanish Milled Dollar equal to 


6 00 00 


j^gj (( <( li u n a 


6 10 00 


1762 " " *' " " " 


7 00 00 


j^g_ <{ U U U U (( 


7 00 00 



Scale of Depreciation of Continental Bills of Credit: 



A. D. 

1777 January i.. 
" July 

1778 January. . . . 
" July 

1779 January 

" July 

1780 January. . . . 

" April 

" August 15 . . 

1 78 1 February. . . 

" May 15 

" May 30 



SPANISH DOLLARS PAPER 

MILLED DOLLARS. CURRENCY. 

. 100 equal to 105 

125 



325 
425 
742 

1477 
2934 
4000 
7000 
7500 
8000 
16000 



1 Condensed from tables in R. I. Colonial Records, vol. ix. pp. 
282 and 424. 



266 APPENDIX 

SUNDRY PRICES AND VARIOUS ENTRIES 

TAKEN FROM THE ACCOUNT BOOK OF THOMAS HAZARD 
SON OF ROBERT, DURING THE YEARS 1750 TO 1 784 
INCLUSIVE. 

£ s. d. 

Oats per bushel (March) 12 oo 

Oats per bushel (May) 15 00 

Potatoes per bushel 10 00 

Butter 5 6 

Hay half a load 10 00 00 

Fatt Goose per pound i 6 

Wool per pound 8 00 

Tea per pound 3 4 00 

I yoke of oxen 140 00 00 

I horse 50 00 00 

Veal per pound i 6 

Mutton hind quarter per pound 2 00 

Lamb per pound 2 00 

White Flannel per yard 15 00 

Striped " " " 16 00 

Felt Hatt i 00 00 

\ of an hundred of Sugar 65 00 

Sugar per pound 4 9 

Handkerchief 14 00 

Callamifico per yard 18 00 

Indigo 7 4 00 

Flax Seed per bushel 2 00 00 

Mr Jos!? Torrey T>\ 
To my Plow oxen & Two hands \ day to 

Plow 2 00 00 



APPENDIX 267 

£ s. d. 
To Carting of Hedgewood \ day 2 hands 

cart & 4 oxen i 10 00 

To my Cart & oxen going up to George 

Gardners Mill for Boards 2 00 00 

To the Hire of my mare for his son to ride 

to Brandford in Connecticut 2 00 00 

1751- 

Corn per bushel 25 00 

Potatoes^ per bushel 15 00 

One 3-year-old horse 105 00 00 

Veal per pound i 6 

Land let per acre 13 6 

Calf skin 25 00 

Tow per pound 3 6 

Fatt Goose per pound i 6 

Butter per pound 7 00 

Lining Cloth per yard 4 4 

Richard Hazard D": 

To 6 yards of Devonshire Cersy at 6 00 00 

" \ yd of Shalloon at 24 00 

" \ yd of Fufton at 34 00 

" \ yd of ozenbridgs at 1 2 00 

" ^ yd Cotton Velvit at 7 00 00 

" 4 yards of Tape at 06 

" Two dozen of Buttons at 10 00 

"- 2 Sticks of Twift at 5 00 

" \ oz of Silk at 40 00 

" I Yoke of oxen Fatt 120 00 00 

" Sheep Fatt each, . <, 2 00 00 

" Hides and Tallow (per pound) i 6 



268 APPENDIX 

£ J- d. 

To Weaving Duroy per yard 5 oo 

" " Blanketing " " 5 00 

" « Flannel " " 3 00 

" " Tow Cloth " " 3 00 

1752. 

Corn per bushel 25 00 

Potatoes per bushel 20 00 

Butter per pound 7 00 

Milk per quart i 00 

Cheese per pound 3 00 

Meal per pound i 00 

Hoggs per pound i 6 

Wool per pound 8 00 

Leather for double soled shoes 3 10 00 

Linen handkerchiefs 22 00 

Stockings 35 0° 

Day's work of Robin 150° 

Pickle pork per pound 3 0° 

Beef " " I 10 

1753- 

Potatoes per bushel 20 00 

I Milch Cow and Calf 60 00 00 

Cheese per pound 3 °° 

Tea per pound 62 00 

Nutmeg per ounce 12 00 

Pepper per ounce 12 00 

Cinnamon " 5 00 

3-year-old horse 150 00 00 

Sheep skins each 5 00 

One yoke of oxen 160 00 00 



APPENDIX 269 

£, s. d. 

Handkerchief 22 00 

Weaving Linen per yd 7 00 

" Tow 400 

" Ticking 7 00 

Pork per pound 2 6 

Milk per quart i 6 

A Man's Saddle 33 00 00 

Hay per Hundred weight 20 00 

Carting wood per load 20 00 

One Live Goofe 16 00 

Wine per gallon 40 00 

Rum " 44 00 

Loaf Sugar per pound 12 00 

\ hundred of Sugar 18 00 00 

Currants per pound 8 00 

Raisons 8 00 

1754. 

Apples per bushel 1 2 00 

Veal per pound i 6 

Wood per cord standing 50 00 

Dressing Boots 12 00 

Milk per quart i 00 

Handkerchief 22 00 

Hind quarter of lamb per pound 2 00 

I three-year-old bay Mare with white nose 70 00 00 

Load of Mash Hay 10 00 00 

One old Brass Kettle W* 14'^ \ per pound 8 00 

Butter per pound 7 00 

Sheep per head 3 10 00 

Choclat per pound 14 00 



2/0 APPENDIX 

1755- 

jT s. d. 

Corn per bushel 30 oo 

3500 

Potatoes per bushel 18 00 

One brown Steer Calf 8 00 00 

One Yearling Bull 14 00 00 

Cheese skim milk per pound i 6 

" New milk " 3 00 

Oats per bushel 16 00 

I old black Troti?ig mare 55 00 00 

Load of hay 20 00 00 

I yoke of oxen 130 00 00 

Weaving Surge Worsted per yard 6 00 

" Worsted 5 00 

" Tow Cloth per yard 4 oo 

" Half Duroy per yard 6 00 

" Linnen per yard 5 00 

" plain Cotton and Linnen 5 00 

" Striped " " 56 

" Flannel plain 3 6 

" " Striped 4 00 

Spinning (Amy Shearman) a day 20 00 

Hay making a day 20 00 

White washing " 23 00 

Flask of oil 26 00 

Nutmeg per ounce 28 00 

Veal per pound 2 00 

Pillion 6 00 00 

Bridle 5° 00 

Stirrup Leathers i 04 00 

Sheep per head 3 10 00 

Cotton wool per pound 22 00 

Indigo per ounce 13 00 



APPENDIX 271 

I s. d. 

Wool per pound 9 00 

Milk per quart 2 00 

Days work 30 00 

1756. 

Corn per bushel 30 00 

Corn per bushel 5* mo 35 00 

" " 6th mo 40 00 

Oats " 15 00 

" " 3'''i mo 2000 

Milk per quart i 6 

" " 4th mo 2 00 

Stockings 36 00 

Thread per skien i 3 

Making shirts, each 25 00 

Shoe buckles i 5 00 

Man's work per day 12 00 

Wool per pound 12 00 

Day's work (Indian James Daniel) 30 00 

Making shoes 16 00 

Pair of shoes i 10 00 

Leather enough for a large pair of Double 

Sole Shoes 3 00 00 

One pair of Breetches 50 00 

Chex per yard 26 02 

Veal per pound 2 00 

Lamb " 2 6 

Tallow " 8 GO 

Making Heels for Womens shoes 4 00 

Tea per pound 3 00 00 

Cheese per pound 5 00 

Women's Work per week 20 00 

Flax per pound 6 6 



2/2 APPENDIX 

£ s. d. 
Hatcheled Flax per pound" (Sarah Pew, 

Spinster) lo oo 

Women's shoes 2 15 00 

Wool per pound 12 00 

Carting a load of wood 30 00 

1757- 

Corn per bushel 3rd mo 40 00 

" " 5th mo 50 00 

" " 6th mo 60 00 

" " 9th mo 55 00 

Oats per bushel 20 00 

" " 12th mo 25 00 

Sow and pigs 25 00 00 

Beef hides per pound 5 00 

Women's household work per week 25 00 

Pair of shoes 6 00 00 

Tallow per pound g 00 

Veal " " 3 00 

Women's work per week 25 00 

Calves per head 7 10 00 

Pork per pound 7 00 

Young Cows (good beef) 80 00 00 

Salt per bushel 20 00 

Cheese per pound 5 6 

Butter per pound 15 0° 

Milk per quart 2 00 

Edmons Ointment 20 00 

Candle wick per pound 16 00 

Stockings per pair 5° 00 

Ell wide Bearskin full Cloth per yard .... 7 10 00 

Kersey Cloth " per yard 6 00 00 

Worsted Drugget 3 00 00 



oo oo 



APPENDIX 273 

£ s. d. 

Trimming for a coat 519 9 

Making a jacket 55 00 

1758. 
Corn per bushel 6th mo 50 00 

" " 10 mo 55 00 

Oats per bushel 25 00 

Turnips per bushel 30 00 

Side of veal 42 lbs 6 6 00 

Tanning per pound 5 00 

Hay per hundred weight 45 00 

Making a pair of shoes 30 00 

Women's work per week 25 00 

Shoe buckles 20 00 

Cersey Cloth per yard 6 

;^2i \os. Lawful Money turned in old 

Tenor @ £^ los. the dollar. 
;^7 los. old Tenor equals iij'. 6d. Lawful 

Money. 

1759- 

Corn per bushel 

Rye per bushel 

Potatoes " 

Turnips " 

Apples per bushel 

" " 10 mo 

Wool per pound 

Butter per pound 

Mowing a day 3 

Farm labor i 

Then agreed with William Wallsworth to 
work with me six months if I like to 



60 


00 


60 


00 


30 


00 


25 


00 


30 


00 


25 


00 


25 


00 


7 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 



274 APPENDIX 

£ s. d. 
hire him after one month for £\2 Law- 
ful money. But if I should not like to 
hire him after one month is expired then 
I am to give him for said one month 
Thirty shillings LawfuU money it being 
Connecticut Prock so called no interest 
to be reckoned thereon. 

2 Spanish Mill'^ dollars in old Tenor 12 00 00 

5 Shillings Lawful Money in old Tenor 4 11 10 

Veal per pound 5 00 

Sole leather for a pair of shoes 35 00 

One calve skin 4 00 00 

One Fatt Sheep 12 00 00 

Hay per hundred weight 50 00 

Veal per pound 6 00 

Mutton " 6 00 

Women's work per week (Sarah Pugh) . . 25 00 

Chex per yard 3 00 00 

Flannel " 40 00 

Crocus per yard 20 00 

White flannel " 6 00 00 

One Comb 2 00 

1760. 

Apples per bushel 40 00 

Turnips per bushel 30 00 

Butter per pound 16 00 

" " 6th mo 15 00 

Mutton per pound 6 00 

Cheese per pound 8 00 

One Fatt Sheep 12 00 00 

Spinning Worsted per skien 6 00 

Man's Saddle 45 00 00 



APPENDIX 



275 

s. d. 



Carting one load of goods to Franklin's 

^ ... 10 00 00 

Ferry 

1 . 7 00 

Eggs per dozen ' 

Hog's Fatt in a Tub per pound 12 00 

, J 6 00 

Lamb per pound 

,, 6 00 

Mutton 

Molasses per gallon ^ 

Cheese per pound 

Fat Sheep per head ^2 0000 

Veal per pound 5 

I Load of good Hay for 13 days' mowing 

1761. 

, , 1 . 80 00 

Corn per bushel 

^ u CO 00 

Oats " ^ ^ 

Pork per pound 

Pork pickled per pound 10 00 

Sole leather for shoes 115°° 

Thread per skein 3 0° 

Wool per pound iS °° 

1 • ... 6 00 00 

I horse whip 

I doz. buttons 

Hay per hundred weight 4 00 00 

Half a day's Carting 5 00 00 

Herds grass seed per pound 30 00 

Butter per pound ' 

Tow Cloth per yard 42 

-^. .... 10 00 

Pins per ounce 

^ • £ ou ^ . 6 00 00 

One pair of Shoes 

Fat Sheep per head ^° °° °° 

Beans per peck 

Beef per pound ^ 

Pork per pound ' 



276 APPENDIX 

£ s. d. 

Tow cloth per yard 8 oo 

One Cow & Calf 150 oo oo 

Cheese per pound 8 00 

One ox 225 00 00 

1762. 

Corn per bushel 100 00 

Barley per bushel 80 00 

Mare and colt 130 00 00 

Veal per pound 6 00 

Cheese per pound 12 00 

Sarge per yard 14 00 

Wool per pound 23 00 

18 00 

25 00 

Sheep per head 12 00 00 

One pair of shoes 6 00 00 

" " " 8 00 00 

Thread per skein 3 00 

Making one Goufid. 20 00 

One Winter Milch Cow & Calf 150 00 00 

Eleven dollars equals 77 00 00 

Binding for a Pettycote. 15 00 

Hay per hundred weight 4 00 00 

Salt Pork per pound 12 00 

Veal " (side) 6 00 

" " (hind quarter) 5 6 

Two oxen beef hides & Tallow 1398 lbs 

at 4 J. 9^ 322 o 6 

One Fat Lamb 5 00 00 

Fifty Sheep & Lambs at £() the pair 450 00 00 

4 J lbs of Sole Leather paid by 2^ days' 

work (Daniel Knowles) 



APPENDIX 277 

1763- 

£ s. d. 

Barley per bushel 90 00 

I Fatt sheep 9 00 00 

Veal per pound 5 6 

500 

Mutton per pound 6 6 

Beef " 5 6 

6 00 

I Calf skin 8 00 00 

Wool per pound 20 00 

I Hatt Beaver 40 00 00 

Leather for a pair of shoes 5 00 00 

Sole leather for a pair of shoes 50 00 

Weaving Flannel per yard 8 00 

Weaving one Coverled 10 00 00 

Lamb per pound 7 00 

Calve Skin 8 00 00 

Butter per pound 25 00 

Pickled pork per pound 12 00 

Tow cloth per yard 32 00 

Salt per bushel 90 00 

5 ^ & ^ of ozenbridges at 385' 1700 

Thread per Skein 4 00 

Woman's work per week 50 00 

18 lambs at £(i per head 108 00 00 

4 Sheep at ;^i2.io 50 00 

One Black mare 220 00 00 

Two Fatt Horses 660 00 00 

Cheese per pound 

" " 10 00 

(or dd, lawful money.) 



278 APPENDIX 

1764. 

£ s. d. 

Corn per bushel 80 00 

Barley per bushel 80 00 

Herd's grass seed per quart 25 00 

Cheese per pound 12 00 

Tobacco " 9 00 

Gardening (John Dye) per day 3 00 00 

Shoes made by John Shearman 9 00 00 

Veal per pound 5 00 

" " hind quarter 5 6 

Pickled pork per pound 12 00 

100 feet of white pine boards 12 00 00 

Pair of stockings 4 00 00 

" " mitts 25 00 

Two Hoogh4? of Cyder Con* 7 Barrels at ;^5 35 00 00 

4 oz Indigo 3 15 00 

Calve skin Vamps for a pair of shoes. ... 2 10 00 

2 Bushels of Lime 3 10 00 

Paper per quire 34 00 

Mohair per stick 10 00 

Flax per pound 16 00 

Wool " 25 00 

Tow cloth per yard 30 00 

Side of Lamb weight &^^ 2 8 00 

Lamb skins 5 10 00 

26th — 4th mo. To one Ten shilling Bill 
Lawful Money dated ye 12th of ye 5th 
month 1760 Turned into old Tenor 14 
pounds. (280 shillings =10 — \s. = 2Ss.) 
Received of Jos^ Torrey by the Hand of 
his wife 14 Spanish Mill<J in gold & sil- 
ver to buy a cow for him in Connecticut. 
Returned 8 dollars some cop"" i cow to 
s"^ Torrey. 



APPENDIX 279 

£ s- d. 

1 2* gmo By five Shillings Lawful Money & 
the Int i^\ it being dated the 20^^ third 
month A. D. 1762 in old Tenor five 
Pounds Ten Shillings & 6d (;^5.io^6d.) 

For recording the will of Robert Hazard. . 4 00 00 

1765- 

Corn per buftiel 100 00 

Barley " 3° °° 

Weaving Tow cloth per yard 8 00 

« Linnen .•••• 12 00 

Beef per pound 4- " 

" " ijth mo 5 °o 

Shoes 9 00 00 

Cheese per pound 4 00 

Cow and calf at 20 Spanish Silver 

Mill^ Dollars. 

Cheese per pound 8 00 

Skim Cheese per pound 4 00 

Flax per pound 20 00 

Wool per pound • 3^ 00 

Two cows Weighing (Beef Hides and Tal- 
low) 1133 lbs at 5^ 283 5 00 

Filling one Barrel with Cider 4 00 00 

Pickel Pork per pound 10 00 

1766. 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ S. d. £ S. d. 

Corn per bufhel 6th mo 80 00 

« " 7th mo 3 9 

Oats " I ^ 

Flax seed per bushel 3 9 



28o APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 
£ S. d. £ s. d. 

Veal per pound 5 oo z\ 

Beef 4 oo 

New England Rum per gallon 70 00 

I yearling steer 2 8 00 

Houfewifery per week 5° 00 

Tea per pound 8 00 00 

Wool per pound 14J 

<' " 9 

Butter per pound 16 00 

Sugar per pound 15 00 

Weaving C<3;//»//>i<:<? per yard.. 16 00 

Molasses per gallon 36 00 

Cheese per pound 3f 

Skim milk Cheese per pound 2^ 

Sheep Skins 40 00 

Spinning Worfted per Skien . . 7 00 

" Lining yarn " . 8 00 

Pickeld Pork per pound 12 00 

« " " ID 00 

Filling one Barrel with Cider. 7 00 00 

9 Sheep & Lamb skinf 12 00 00 

Tow per pound 4^ 

One pair of shoes 160 00 

Cranberries per quart 6 00 

Carting with Team & one 

hand per day 4 4 

Two pair of oxen to plough 

per day 2 3 

One Barrel of Sugar 9 dollers 

One pound of Indigo i^ " 

62 Cheeses 62 " 

One doller to be confidered at 8 00 00 



APPENDIX 281 



Settled accounts with Daniel 
Knowles and credited ye 
full Ballance of Twenty 
Pounds old Tenor (being 
first turned into Lawful 
money® 23J& 1/3 amount- 
ing to 17X. \d. & 3/4 Law- 
ful) on a note of hand I 
have against him. 

George Ireish. 

1 8th 6th mo. To one Dark 
Coloured Natural pacing 
Horfe with some white in 
his Face, at fifty-five Silver 
Spanish mill'^ Dollers. I am 
to take I hoggshead of Mo- 
lafses, I barrell of sugar at 
£10 old Tenor per Hun- 
dred, the Molafses at the 
value of 36i'. old Tenor. A 
Doller being considered at 
the value of Eight Pounds 
old Tenor, the Remainder 
in Tea at ye Rate of Eight 
Pounds old Ten"" and in In- 
digo at the Rate of Twelve 
Pounds old Tenor to have 
one-Half of ye remainder in 
Tea, & ye other in Indigo. 



OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 



282 APPENDIX 

1767. 

OLD TENOR LAWFUL. 
C S. d. £ S. d. 

Corn per bufliel 80 00 3 00 

" " 2 mo 90 00 

Apples per bufhel 9 

Barley per bulhel 3 10 00 

Oats " 45 00 16 

Salt " 80 00 

Onions per bushel 3 00 

Wool (old Wool & Dagglocks) 

per pound 4t 

Gammon per pound 12 00 

Fifh per pound 2 6 

One Sheep 12 00 00 9 00 

Mutton (hind quarter) per 

pound 6 00 

Veal per pound 6 00 

Pork " 7 00 

Beef " 46 

Hogg's Fatt per pound 14 00 

Weaving linnen per yard. ... 15 00 

" Tow coverlid 8 00 00 

To cutting and carting half a 

load of wood 6 00 00 

I old Horfe to Rowland Rob- 

infon 3 15 00 

Received in full for ye old 

Horfe 100 00 00 

10^ days' work & 4 days, mow- 
ing paid by 8 bufhels 3 
pecks of corn, i Fatt Lamb, 
and I Spanish Mill^ Dol- 
lar. 



APPENDIX 283 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 

Cheese 20 pounds the Span- 
ish Dollar. 
12th mo. 2nd day. 

William Congdon son of 

Josh Dr. 
To one Bay Horfe five years 

old @ 500 lbs. & one half 

Hundred w* of sugar such 

Sugar as was Set at 8 Dol- 
lars the Hundred Clean & 

of a bright Colour, 
Peleg Peckham credit. One 

Piece of Gold of ye Value 

of 8 Doll>-s & 4 Dollers in 

Dollers by ye Hand of thy 

Wife (for cheese). 

One Ewe lamb 6 00 00 

3 Piftereens at 7I 

Flower per pound 5 00 

Molafses per gallon 55 00 

One yoke of oxen 9 00 00 

Cheese 20 pounds y« Spanifli 

DoUer 8 00 

New England Rum per gallon 

Load of Hay 

Hay per Hundred weight. . .. 

Side of Leather 

Plowing Andrew Nichols' Lott 

Tallow per pound 

Sugar " 

Sheep skins 

Lamb " 







2 


3 




2 


6 


00 






I 


2^ 






2 


3 






5 


00 
5i 


15 GO 








25 CO 








20 00 









284 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£, s. d. £ s. d.qr. 

One Lamb 5 3 

Stone Lime per bushel 4 10 00 

I Thimble 6 00 

Cheefe new milk 9 00 

1768. 

Corn per bushel 80 00 3 00 

Oats per bushel 40 00 i 6 

Barley per bushel 80 00 3 

Wool per pound 32 00 

Flackseed per bushel 46 

Flax per pound 16 00 

Tea per pound 6 00 00 4 6 

Sugar per pound 13 00 6 

Chocolat per pound 42 00 i 6 

Wine per gallon 3 00 

West India Rum per gallon . . 80 00 

New England " " . . 52 00 

Weaving zc^//^ jF/(3!;?z>z^ per yard 8 00 

Cheese per pound 8 00 

Shoes per pair 2 00 00 

Soles for shoes 25 00 

To John Shearman for making 

and repairing Shoes for ye 

Family ye year past, and 

his finding some Women's 

Hats 75 CO 00 

1 Steer 20 00 00 15 00 

2 Earthen Boles. One Jack 

Knife & dozen of pipes i 11 

I Yearling Steer 50 00 00 117 6 

I Steer, a Neat Beaft 65 00 00 2 84^ 



APPENDIX 285 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. qr. 

To Two Johannes in Gold to 

the value of 16 Spanish 

Milld Dollers 

I Fat Lamb 

I quarter of Lamb 

Pickel Pork per pound 12 00 

" " " 5 mo . . 

6 Pound old Ten. equal 

Lime per bushel 4 10 00 

Fifli per pound 3 °o 

I Sythe Snead 

I old Sythes per pound 

Molafses per gallon 55 0° 

" " 8"» mo 46 00 

Veal per pound 

J gibs of Flax @ 7f of a Far- 
thing 

Spinning 80 skeins of Linen 

Yarn per skein 8 00 i 4 o 

Carding and Spinning 75^ 

skeins Tow per skein 7 00 i 00 00 

Weaving 30 yds Tow Cloth 

per yard 8 00 9 00 

Weaving 42 yds Diaper @ 

per yard 10 00 15 9 

Boiling & Washing the yarn 

that made s<^ cloth 3 12 00 2 6 

To Carting with my Team one 

Load of Goods from J, 

Franklin's ferry to s<J Peleg's 

(Peckham) houfe 9 00 

By 28"^ of Rice 1/4 & 1/16 of 



16 


00 


5 


3 




14 




5^ 


4 


6 \ 


3 


4i 


I 


6 




2i 




2^1 


II 


4f 



286 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. qr. 
Callico I Earthern Bole 1/2^^ 
of Allum Some Red Worded 
Quality 3 Needles 2 Skeins 
of Thread 1/4 yrd of Cam- 
brick The whole ;^i3. 8. 

- 3^ 1/2 old Ten 10 00 3 

By 18/ old Tenor 8 

John Gardner (on y^ Hill 
weaver) in South Kingstown 
credited By weaving i Cover- 
lead at 8 6 

Mowing a day 3 

To Two Johannes in Gold to 
ye Value of 16 Spanish MilH 
Dollers Jo" Gar ton Prefent 4 16 00 

Keeping Cows per week 40 

1769. 

Oats per bushel 40 00 i 6 

Apples per bushel 15 00 

Salt per bushel 4 00 00 3 00 

Load of hay 40 00 00 

to be paid in carpantry per day 5 00 00 
Sheep skins with wool on ... . 6 00 00 

" and lamb skins ... 40 00 00 6 00 

Candles per pound 20 00 9 

Cheese per pound 10 00 

Plumbs (3 pounds) 36 00 i 4 

Molasses per gallon 46 00 

I Saddle Cloth 12 00 00 

I Hunting Saddle 60 00 00 



APPENDIX 287 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ S. d. £ S. d. 

To 1 Book Entitled the Prin- 
ciples & precepts of ye Chris- 
tian Religion &c 1° 00 42 

(Josh. Hull credited) 

By making one Hetchel at 
3 shillings old Ten^ per 
Tooth 320 Teeth ^^ 00 

By one fire Pann 3 0° 

Some Sole & upper Leather @ 120 46 

Tallow 4- 9 

(Benedict Oatley.) 
By £c) old Tenor, he said it 

was to Buy Corn with 69 

To 1/2 lb of Candles @ 20^ 

old Teno' "^ 

To 3 lbs of Pickle Pork @ ioj. i ^5 

633 weight of young Swine® 4 4 " i 

I days carting with my Team 9 

Lamb per pound 6 

Mutton " ^ 

250 Clout Nails 35 

By I pair of shoes set on y« 

hipt mare he found Iron 

for I shoe 

By shoeing my Horfe & my 

old mare, each a pair of 1 

shoes before @ 
To the Happy man &•= a half 

sheet @ 2 ^^PP^'^^ 

1770. 

Corn per bushel 8°°° 3 00 

Oats per bushel 4o 00 i b 



288 



APPENDIX 



Flaxseed per bushel 

Wool per pound 

Cheefe per pound 

Skim Cheefe per pound 

Veal per pound 

Beef per pound 

Lamb " 

I Heifer at 9 dollars 

Bafs Fish scal"^ and gutted 

per pound 

Fish " 

Pork per pound 

£Z old Tenor % ^d 

3 Spanifh Millfi dollers 

Tallow Tried per pound ... . 

Butter per pound 

I Horfe o . . . 25 dollars 

Keep of a horfe per week .... 

" " cow " 

Coll' John Potter D^ 
To 5 veal Calve skins Deli^ 

thy Negro Hager when she 

had 20 of wool for Thee at 

30J. old Ten 

Filling one barrel of Cyder. . . 
Twelve Pounds old Ten @ 9*^ 
Tailoring per day (Andrew 

Nichols) 

Haying per day 

10 lb old Iron when I sent my 

Hand Irons to be repaired @ 
One pair of Vamps for Shoes 



OLD TENOR. 


LAWFUL. 


C s. 


d. 


C 


s. d. 

3 9 


30 


00 




4^ 

2i 


6 


00 






4 


6 






7 













2 


14 00 


3 


00 






2 


6 






7 







6 00 
18 00 


12 


00 






20 


00 






40 


00 






40 


00 







5° 



APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. 
£ ^. d. 

15 pounds of Flax per bushel 16 

Salt per bushel 

Fat Sheep each 

Chocolate per pound 4° 

Mutton per pound 6 

To Carting wood y^ 3 day & 

fifth day of this Instant y^ 

I jth jno 1 2 00 00 

To my Team & hand one day 

to Move thy Goods to the 

Ferry at 16 00 00 

Beef hides & Tallow per pound 4 6 

1771. 

Corn per bushel 80 00 

Oats " 

Apples per bushel 35 0° 

Veal per pound 6 00 

Beef per pound 5 °° 

To carting one day 12 00 00 

Chocolate per pound 40 00 

Sugar per pound 15 °° 

I pair of Shoes at 90000 

I Fatt Horse @ 40 Dollars . . . 
I Fatt Steer @ 16 Silver Dollars 

Half Soles and heel lifts 20 00 

Sole leather per pound 30 00 

1 day's work at putting in Glafs 

& Winder Cafements @ 4 00 00 

6 days work at maks my Cart 
& boaring 8 yoakes at 3^ 

2 days work at Carpentry © 3^ 



289 



d. 
00 



t8 00 



12 00 



00 
6 



9 


00 


I 


6 


6 


9 


00 


00 


16 


00 



18 

6 



290 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 
(Powel Helme credit) 

9th 3'-d mo Reed yib of Choco- 
late toward keeping y^ Cod- 
dington Horfe 

9*h 4«'l mo To 7 weeks & six days 
keeping y^ Coddington Horfe 
at i^^ of Chocolate per week 10 6 

9th 4th mo Credit by thy In- 
structs my Robert in the art 
of Navigation in Part, @ t^s 
8'^ which is in full 58 

Keeping a horse per week .... 14 

I acre of Land Plow^ & How^ 

to Plant Corn at 28 00 00 11 i 

Dagg Locks per pound 10 

Plumbs per pound 18 

Lamb " 7 

Salt Hay per Hundred 40 

1772. 
Corn per bushel 3d mo 3 00 

" " 8th mo 3 9 

Oats per bushel 40 00 

Molafses per gallon 46 00 

J h o^ 5 3/4^^^ of Sugar per. . 

hundred 42 

(By my Stillyards i\^^'°) 

Cheese per pound 

Weaving Flannel per yard .... 

Salt per bushel 

I pair Shoes 

Hogg's Fatt per pound 14 00 



12 00 




8 00 






3 4i 




7 6 



APPENDIX 291 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ S. d. £ S. d. 

To Filling i Hodgi^d with 

Cyder per barrel ^ Z 

Keeping a horse per week .... 16 

I days work at repairing y^ 

Dragg 4 

(Joseph Hull Jun^) Credit 

By making & Setts one 

shoe I found Iron & mend- 
ing 2 Pair of Bridle Bits @ 

2s old Ten each 4 

Tow per pound 9 

Mutton " 6 

Beef '* 5 

Veal " 6 

I days Work with my Cart & 

oxen Carting wood 9 

One Load of Hay Weighing 

2230 Weight 2 S 00 

3 Hundred 1/4 with y^ Ropes 

that Bound it of Hay @ . . . . 23 

1 Three year old Heifer @ 
10 Dollers 

2 Fatt oxen @ 63 Dollers 

1773- 

Corn per bushel 3 9 

Barley per bushel 3 00 

Lime per bushel 3 9 

Tar per gallon 13 

To Making one pair of Cloth 

Shoes & Sole Leather & 

Thread 5 00 00 3 00 



292 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 
£ S. d. £ s. d. 

Sheep at lo oo oo i 12 6 

Hay per hundred weight.... 3 00 00 23 

Beef per pound 4 00 

Cheefe per pound 6 

Butter per pound 22 00 

Pork per pound 8 00 3 J 

Tow " 4^ 

One pair of shoes 5 00 

To Carting wood 2 days 240 00 18 00 

Tar per quart 8 00 4 

To Carting one Load of Cole 

from Tho* Sweets @ 9 00 

To Carting one Load of Cole 

from Ministerial Farm @.. 9 00 

Rowland Robinfon D"" 
i^' 2^ mo To III Sheep @ 

£\o (and he ought to Pay 

for keeping them 3 weeks). 1 12 6 

25th ^mo j^ecd 3 Balls 30 Dol- 
lars 1 Barrel of Flower 7I 

Dollars 
\t<^ 4'h mo Rec^ 100 Dollers 

one Doller lefs 16 old yet 

Due. Paid in y^ whole for 

the Sheep. 

John Hazard D"" 
ii^'i mo 2 2*^ day To Two beef 

Hides by thy Boy i being a 

Bull's & Y other Cow's 

Hides. 
1 5th 1 2 «h mo To 3 Beef Hides 

I being an ox Hide the 





3 9 




3 OO 


35 oo 




^2 OO 





APPENDIX 293 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 

other Two Cow Hides & 2 
Boar Skins. 
17 Settled 3 Calves Skins in 
which Settlem* Coufin Haz- 
ard is Debtor to me 40/ old 
Ten"" and Receiv'^ 2 Sides 
of Sole Leather Weighing 

1774- 

Corn per bushel 

Barley per bushel 

Potatoes per bushel 

Tar per gallon 

Sole leather for a pair of 

shoes I 6 

Pork, pickled, per pound ... . 12 00 

Day's work carting wood .... 9 00 

I Silver Dollar @ 6 00 

Keeping a horse per week. . . i 6 

To my Team & 2 Hands Cart- 
ing one Load of Sand from 

little Neck Beach to Tower 

Hill 6 00 

Gideon Fowler D^. 
To one silver Doller @ 6 00 

Ro¥ 6^ Tommy Prefent. 
Joseph Congdon Jun'' Cred- 

itted since we Settled 

To Shoeing Horfes By Set- 

ing five pair of Shoes on 5 

Horfes @ 7^:^ 3 00 

4th 3th jfio By Repairing one 



294 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

C S. d. £ s. d. 

Staple for a forebridge of 

a Cart & Shuting together 

the Iron for the End of the 

Tongue of the Cart nine 

nales to nale it i 6 

j^th gth mo by Shoeing my 

great Bay mare afore only. i \ 

By Shoeing Rowland's 

Horfe afore only I found 

the Shoes ^\ 

(Turn over 4 leaves & look 

to the Right Hand) 
In y^ year 1774 Rec^ of Oliver 

Kinnion i2fib of Fish & 

gave him an order upon 

Joshua Sweet s'^ Fish at 3^'. 

old Ten"" p"" p"^ i 18 00 

S° Kingston &<= Jeffrey 

Watfon Jr. D"- io«*> mo 
I Vol. of Sewel's Hiftories at 18 00 

& 4 coppers Expense on it. 2^ 

C By 6 / sent to Philadelphia 

when Subscriptions were 

Sent there 60 

Received Two Dollars & four 

Coppers of Jeffrey Watfon 

Junr in full 12 00 

S° Kingstown 12^'' i2'*» mo A D 1774 
Brought from the 231^* Page 
John Torrey D*" 
To keeping his Horfe from the 
17"' of the (f^ month to the 



APPENDIX 295 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 
£ s. d. £ s. d. 

2(f^oi the 11*^ month viz 

7 weeks ©i^edp^week... 9 0° 

John Torreys Horfe came 
to me to Winter the 2°^ day 
of the 12th month again. 
1775 John Torrey took his 
Horfe away having been 
with me at Pasture fifteen 
Weeks Two days from the 
2d of r 12'^ mo 1774 @ (A blank left. 

See Settlement in 178 1.) 

To Carting one Load of 

1 ^ o 00 

Sand @ 

1775- 

Corn per bushel 3 ^ 

White beans per bushel 4- 

Cheese per pound ^ °° 

New Milk Cheese per pound. 12 00 

Veal per pound 5 °° 

Salt Pork per pound 12 00 

Beef per pound 4- 

(Andrew Nichols Jun'.) 
To carting Load of Eal Grass 
to thy house & Collecting it 

from my shore 

Mowingaday 4 00 00 

Farm labor 4o 00 

Spinning linen per skien... 8 00 

Tallow per pound ^^ °° 

6^^ mo. Receivd Two Dollars 
of Rowland Robinfon to- 



296 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. qr. 
ward Some I Lent Him 
iQth mo 22 in Paper Bills 
by y^ hand of my fon Rob* 
This ace* is Carried for- 
ward to 157 
Lent Brother Rowland Rob- 

infon in the 3'^'^ month Last 19 6 00 

My Wife lent his Wife in her 

last Sicknefs 6 00 00 

I over paid him 5^ per Gallon 
for 67 Gallons of Molafes 

which amounts to 12 7 ^ 

C given to the above ace* 
againft Rowland Robinfon 

In the 6t'» mo Last Receiv^ . . 

lo''^ mo Receiv<^ in Paper Bills 

one \os Bill & one 12 j Bill 

To I pair of oxen 3 times to 

ye ferry & to Littlerest @. . (blank.) 

To I pair once to y« Ferry @ " 

To i6ib| of Cheefe @ 12 00 1 ^ \ 

(Other entries of oxen's 

work with no price.) 
i^th ^th mo Receiv^ the above 

ace* againft Powel Helme 

in a Settlement with him 
T Hazard of Rob^ 

Shoeing the old black mare 
before 18^ 



I 


18 


I 


\ 




12 


CO 


GO 


I 


2 


00 


CO 


I 


14 


00 


00 



APPENDIX 297 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

jQ s. d. £ s. d. qr. 

Shoeing the great bay mare be- 
fore I 8 \ 

Shoeing Tommy's Horfe be- 
fore I 8 \ 

John Gould Credited 
9th mo 2^ Day To his wife's 
Spinning 24 Scains of lin- 
nen yarn at 8/ old Ten. 
Settled this ace' with 
John Gould 

5'h mo 5th day Benj Perry D^ 

To I Veal Calve Skin delv^ 
p-- Quafh 

6 day To i veal Calve Skin 
delv^ to thy own hand 

6'^ mo 6*1* day To one Calve 
Skin Sent by Son Rowland 

i6«'> To one Bull Hide, died at 
Giddeon Clarkes, sent by 
Tommy 

20''' To one Calve Skin deliv- 
er"^ it myself 

7th month ii'h day To one 
Large Veal Calve Skin y^ 
day I set out for the Quar- 
terly Meet. Sent per Row- 
land 

1776. 

Corn per bushel 3 00 

Turnips per bushel 12^ 

White beans per bushel 6 00 



298 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 

Leather for a pair of shoes . . 3 00 

Caps & Taps for a pair of 

shoes I 00 

Double Fold Linen per yard 8 00 

New Milk cheese per pound . 5 

Beef " • 6 6 

Wool per pound 16 

Cloth for a coat per yard .... 9 00 

One Hoe 3 6 

Valentine Ridge for Combing 

Warsted per pound 14 00 

Tow cloth per yard 2 00 

South Kingstown &c 7*'* mo 

t^^ day. 
Eunice Nichols Tailorefs D"" 
To 13th of Sheeps Wool @ 

Entered here by miftake 

turn over 5 Leaves look to 

the Right Hand for her ace* 

(Having turned over 5 

leaves) 

Unice Nichols D"" 
26th 6th mo To one bufhel of 

Indian Corn at 3/ 3 

^th yth mo To 13^'' of Sheeps 

Wool at 15 o^ 

gth to 2i''| of Veal @ 6/ 12 

8"» mo 26"h day To 2 of 

Tow @ (by thy Father) 4'^. 8 00 

To i|^ yard of Double Fold 

Linnen @ 8/ 12 00 

To Leather for a pair of Shoes 

;^5 old Ten 39 



APPENDIX 299 



OLD TENOR. 


LAWFUL. 


£ s. d. 


£ S. d. 




I z\ 




(blank) 



ID*** mo 3''^ day To 5'^ of Mut- 
ton at 7 Shillings old Ten"". 
1777 3'*^ nio To 30I of Flax 



To 2ib| of Sheeps Wool being 

s^ unices Ballance 

Benja Perry Credited 
2^ mo. 25''' day By Two Calve 

Skins one a very Small one 
20*^ 4«h mo By i Side of Sole 

Leather 

2ist ^th mo Rec^ 5 Calve 

Skins being my § with 2 

Rec^J heretofore out of 11 

Calve Skins Deliver^ in ye 

year 1775 

James Helme Credited 
i^* mo 22^^ day for writing my 

Will 12 00 

2ist 2d mo ReC^ of Thomas 

Robinfon Thirty one Shil- 
lings Lawful Money to Lay 

out in Flax 
3rd mo 14 Day Sent Thomas 

Robinfon 30I of Flax, and 

Since Settled the Remain- 
der of sd 30/ with Him 
T Hazard 
John Smith D-^ 
9*mo.2o<h day To i^bufh- 

els of Corn @ (blank) 



300 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL 

£ S. d. £ s. d. 

John Smith Paid y« above 
Charge of i^ bufliels of 
Corn in his Wifes whitening 
linnen Cloth for my Wife 
When they Settled. 

1777. 

Corn per bushel 4 00 00 3 00 

Butter per pound g 

Cheese per pound 6 

Making a pair of Bretches ... 9 00 
" for 

Tommy 6 g 

Board Nails per thousand ... 20 00 
Two hundred Weight Grofs & 

9^b Neat of Hay ©3/ 63 

Benj Perry Cr. 
12 mo 3''<^ By 3 Sides settled 

W' 37'b Perry had 22'^ \ 

& I had i4iib \ of the 

Hides delivered him in 

1775 & 1776 and one side 

unfettled not being Suffi- 
ciently Dried the Weight to 

be Known by y^ other Side 

when it shall be Dried & 

Coufm Perry hath rec^ ^ 

\ of what is settled more 

than his Part. 
23rd J St jno 1777 Settled 6 

Sides with the one Men- 
tioned above not Suffi- 



APPENDIX 301 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ S. d. £ S. d. 

ciently Dried y« Weight 
Known by [that] of its mate 
side 

South Kingstown &c Look on 

ye Left hand one Leaf Back 

Chriftopher Potter Credited 

To Making Shingles the 

Winter pall No 4073 @ 5/ ' o® 4i 

6*^ mo 5*^ day Numbered the 
Cheefes made this year in 
the Cheefe House 17 and 
Two in the Prefses the 
Whole 19 
Benj Hazard Son of Richard 
left my Houfe on y^ 18'^ of 
a'^ mo 1777 
24th 6'h mo Sent to Paul Green 
Ten Calve skins Two of 
them Eat much with Rats 
Two Swine Skins four Beef 
Hides all to be Tanned & 
the Calve Skins Curried for 
one Third the Hoog's skins 
to be Drefsed for Saddle 
Leather. 
7th mo 7*^ day To Two good 

Veal Calve Skins 
29'^ To 2 large Calve Skins 

Sent by Tommy 
Look at y« Bottom at the 
Right Hand. 



302 APPENDIX 

OLD TENOR. LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 
Supplied the Widow Alice 

Gould by order of the 

Meets for Suffering as fol- 

loweth (Viz' ) 
I a''* mo 8'*» day To one pair 

of Shoes at T,2)f i 13 oo 

9«i^ To 7 yards of Tow & lin- 

nen 18/ 6 6 00 

The above articles are Settled 

by receiving pay from y^ 

Meeting for Suffers 

1778. 
17th 3rd month. Be it remembered, that it is 
agreed between Thomas Hazard son of Robert, and 
Sier Averit, in manner following (Viz.) That the s^ Sier 
shall work at Husbandry, that is to say, at Howing, 
Ploughing, Walling, Ditching, Fencing, Mowing, Hay- 
ing and milking &c- For the full Term of Eight Months, 
to begin on the i8th Instant, and to be compleat and 
ended on the i8th of the eleventh month following, 
& to make good to s'^ Hazard, all lost Time, in Pro- 
portion of the Value of Labour at the seafon of ye 
year when it may be Loft, either by Sicknefs or other- 
wife. And the said Hazard, doth covenant and agree 
with the s^ Sier, to Pay Him at the end & Expiration 
of Said Term, & making up of lost Time, The full 
sum of five Dollars p' month, That is to say. Forty 
Dollars For the Term of Eight months as aforesaid. 
The Value of which money is hereby agreed on 
between the Parties hereto to be determined and 
Settled at the Expiration of the Term afores'^' by a 



APPENDIX 303 

Liquidation of the articles hereafter enumerated, (Viz.) 
Pork at 3|//. p'' Pound, Beef at 2,^. p"" Pound, Cheese 
at five Pence p"^ Pound & Indian Corn at 3 shillings 
p' • Bushel. 

As Witness our Hands the day & year first above 
written. 

(Signed) Th° Hazard of Robt. 
Witness — Anstis Brown. Sier Averit. 

Colonel John Willson D"^ 
3<^ mo 14^^ day To i4^^f of Cheefe a 6/ and 4^^ bush- 
els of corn (no price) 

22nd of 12th month, Col. John Wilson settled 
accounts this day with Tkomas Hazard of Robert, 
and there is due to him on balance, 4 pounds of 
cheese. 

As witnesseth my hand. (Signed) John Wilson. 

12th day of 2nd month 1780, in settlement of ac- 
count this day received satisfaction for the above 4 
pounds of cheese of Col. John Wilson. 

(Signed) Thomas Hazard. 

Of Cheefe made this year 1778 Viz No 74 the 27'h 
of the 7*'' mo with that made this day Tho^ Hazard 
of Robt 

ist mo 28th day Received of Rowland Robinfon 
Seven Pounds Ten Shillings in Paper Bills. 

8*^ mo 4*1^ Coufin George Hazard son of Richard 
Borrowed of me 37 Paper Dollars 

26'h Stii mo Rec^ a note of George Hazard for 
s'^ Dollars 



304 APPENDIX 

LAWFUL. 

£ s. d. 
25th ^rd mo 3 yards of Tow Cloth in one 

Frock 4 6 

I pair of old Stockings 1 o 

To mending one pair of Shoes & Thread at i 6 

One Knot of Thread @ 2| 

Making Shirts Each old Tenor 40jr 
I pair of Leather Breches 36/. . 

Sarge per yard £'] 00 00 

Shoes per pair 6 00 go 

1779. 

LAWFUL. 

Making one Coat 15 00 

I pair Knee buckles i 4 00 

Mowing per day 3 00 

(Memorandums of corn, butter, veal, molasses, wool, 
etc., occur in this year with no prices attached, and 
the accounts seem to have been settled by barter as 
in the previous year, and as in the following agree- 
ment.) 

1779. 4th month 23rd day. 

Settled accounts with Thomas Hazard of Rob', and 
there is due to said Hazard, the full Ballance of 
Spinning 54 and \ scains of linen yarn, which she is 
to spin by Promiss under her hand. 

Anstress Crandol. 



1779. 7th month 3rd day. 

Anstress Crandall, credited. 
By spinning 54 and \ skains of yarn. 



APPENDIX 305 

^rd mo 3d day agreed with Siah Averit to Labour at 
Hufbandry for Eight months at 5 Silver Dollars p' 
month 

Turn over 4 Leaves 

(Having turned over four leaves a long account is 
seen.) 

Sier Averit Continued from 4 £ ^- d' 

Leaves Back 

To one sheep skin for a Leather apron @ i 

To Repairing thy Shoes & Soles 2 3 

These are the only items carried out. Tow cloth 
Thread, making Breches and shirts, shoes, stockings. 
To 9 sheets of paper at three Several Times 
To one Knife at 10 Dollars 
To I pair of Shoe Buckles® 12 dollars: 3 pence: 

hard money 
To Doctor Torrey 6/ in the old way 
To 10 Dollars for his Sicknefs & Trouble 

(All are entered, but not carried out. At the very 
end, crowded at the foot of the page, comes the 
receipt.) 

3rd mo 31. 1780 Settled with Tho^ Hazard for 16 
months work in y« Two Seafons past last & Received 
of Him the full Ballance of Fifty five Pounds Ten 
Shillings Lawful money as Witnefs my Hand 

(Signed) Siar averit 

3'-d month 9**^ day George Hazard Son of Richard 
Entered into & occupied part of my houfe above the 
Rode & is to Give me 9 Dollars p-^ annum to be paid 
in Labour at Hufbandry the Enfuing Seafon at 3/ 
pr day for mowing & x/d^ for Ho wing & Haying. 



3o6 APPENDIX 

1780. 
In evident despair at the trouble of managing so 
many kinds of money the last accounts in the book 
are boldly in Old Tenor, with no attempt at other reck- 
oning, though there are many items with no prices 
attached. 

ii"" mo 2 1 St Daniel Rowland D' 

To one Hundred Weight of New Milch Cheefe @ 
(no price) 

Qth ^th month 1 78 1 Rec'i a Note of Hand for the 
above ace' of s'* Rowland. He paid the Note. 

(Entries of corn, mutton, veal, tallow, beef, one tur- 
key, molasses, wool, are made in Valentine Ridge's 
account but with no prices.) 

10"' mo 27'** on Settlement with Neighbour Ridge & 
there is due;^3o 5^. dd. old Tenor. 

1781. 
7''' mo 31 John Torrey credited by his ace' for 
weaving 43 yards of Planing & 28 yards of I>road 
Cloth & weaving. On Settlement of all acc'^ made 
with Thomas Hazard this day there is due to Him 
the Ballance of Seven Pounds, Fourteen Shillings at 
the Rate of Four Pounds p"" Bufliel for Corn. 

(Signed) John Torrey. 

John Watson D"^ 
5'h mo 9'h day To i peck of bell Rock Salt (^ (no 
price) Rec^ of John Watfon pay for y^ Peck of Salt 
except 3 Coppers. 

William Congdon D^ 

£ s. d. qr. 
To Two little Books @ 9 00 



APPENDIX 307 

£ s. d. qr. 
in ye Old Teiu way 
To loib of sugar @ 

-d 1 qr 8 00 00 

To 13'^ of Good 

Mutton H.Q.@ 41209 

iith mo 27'^ Oliver Smith a Negro Boy came to My 
Houfe with his Miftrefs EUzabeth Smith aged 8 
years the 7*^ of the V^ mo this Prefent year who is 
to work for me for his Bringing up untill he may 
have an advantageous opportunity to go apprentice. 

1782. 
nth gth month Numbered the Cheefes in the Cheefe 
House & y"" in the Prefses one of which made this 
day the whole amount to 70 in all Th" Hazard 

Made a Double Curded Cheefe on the 22"^ day of 
the (f" month & afterwards until the 6*^ mo 24 

£ s- d. 
in ye old Ten way. 

To IS. ed. in Hard Money 2 00 00 

Corn per bushel 80 00 

Veal per pound ^ °° 

Butter per pound 20 00 

To 2 Dunghill Fowles @ 20/ 2 00 00 

1783- 
S*!' mo 24*^ William Congdon's ox was Brought to 
Pafture @ (no price) Drove s^ ox away the lo''^ of the 
6'h month in s^ year having been here 2 weeks & 3 
Days. Robert Hazard my Son Rec^ Pay for Keeping 
the ox of William Congdon. 



308 APPENDIX 

1784. 

9»'' mo we had of Son Rob' Corn for the Piggs as 
followeth meafur^ myself \\ Bushels Jack i bushel 
Abigail 3 Pecks Oliver half a bushel. 26''^ 9''^ mo 
Nicholas Gould had 24'^ of Pickle Beef Son Rob* about 
14 Quarts it being all 

27th Nicholas Gould had half a Bulhel of Indian 
Corn @ (no price) 



CONTRACTS FOR LABOUR. 

1757- 
Priamus a Negro Boy Came to live with me at my 
Houfe, the week after y^ General Election Held at 
Newport for General officers for the Colony of Rhode 
Ifland in the year one Thoufand Seven Hundred & 
fifty seven, being six years old the octob'' following 
the s^ Election, which was held in May before. 

1759- 
5th of jst ijio A: D: 1759. Mary Dick began to 
Work and is to Work until 1 y^ i^' of y« 4 mo @. 30/ 
P"" Week & from that Time untill y^ end of y^ eleventh 
month @ 40/ P"^ Week that is to Say 8 months of 
ye year at 40/ & 4 at 30. And She is to have Two 
pair of Shoes in y^ year at £a^. the Pair, She to do 
Houfehold Work & y^ Dairy both Butter & Cheefe 
& other Bufmefs When Necefsary. 

1759 2'^ ^^ mo. 
Then agreed »vith William Wallfworth to work with 
me Six months if I like to hire him after one month 
for Twelve Pounds Lawfull money (But if I should not 



APPENDIX 309 

Like to hire him after one month is Expired then I 
am to Give him for said one month Thirty Shillings 
Lawfull money it being Connecticut Prock so Called 
no interest to be reckoned thereon. 

24th of ye 2°*^ month. Anno Domini 1761. 
Daniel Knowles, fon of John Knowles of Richmond- 
ton, began to work with me at Hufbandry and hath 
agreed to Labour thereat from the day abovef'^ for 
ye full Term of one year, and to make up all Lost 
days after the end of s<i year and I am to Give him 
therefor when said time be fully ended, the full sum 
of Three Hundred Pounds old Tenor 

Tho Hazard foN of Robt 

fo Kingstown ye 24* of the 4*^ mo 1761 agreed with 
John Bull to Work for me from y« \Qf^ Ins* for y^ 
term of Six months he is to make good all Lost day 
in which he may be out of my Bufuiefs by sicknefs or 
otherwife & I am to give him therefor at the Expira- 
tion thereof ;^2 4o. 

5th month Call"! May, 1762. 
Jonathan Maxfon of Richmond began to Work at 
Hufbandry for fix months with me he to make Shoes 
in Wet Weather if it shall beft agree with my Conven- 
iency, and when said Term be fully Compleated I am 
to Pay him Two Hundred & Eighty five Pounds old 
Tenor & keep him one Horse during s^ Term. 

4* 4*"^ month 1763. 
Joseph Davis of Westerly began to Work for me at 
Husbandry, and in Wet weather to Labour at Carpen- 
try &c. for the Term of Six months, he to make good 



3IO APPENDIX 

all Lost Time at y«= Expiration thereof and I am to 
Pay him for his Labour to be done in s"^ Term, after 
Rate of ^50 p"" mo. 

i2mo 27 day 1763. 
Then agreed with Henry Hill to Labour for me at 
huf bandry & at any kind of Businefs to be done at 
Farming for the Term of Ten months to begin on y^ 
2nd day of }"<= i^* month next in y« year 1764. And at 
y^ Expiration of s^ Term he Paying all Lost days I 
am to Pay him the sum of ;^4oo Pounds old tenor or 
the Value thereof in any kind of Bills or money cur- 
rent at s^ Time. 

1763- 
Michael Dye began to Work with me who is to 
Work 8 months making good all Lost days if any 
Should be through Sicknefs or other unavoidable 
cause &: When the Same is compleated as Covenanted, 
I am to give him therefor ;^40o old Tenor, or an 
equivalent in DoUers at £1 P"" Doller, to be at my 
election. 

Th*^ Hazard foN of Rob^ 

ist day 9th month 1763. 
Hird John Mash for one month (he to pay lost days) 
when it is Compleated to give him Thirty five Pounds 
for his Labour 

The 16"' of the S'l^ month. Then Took of John 
Mash Jun"" Eighteen Spanifh mill^ Dollars & one 
Piece of Gold Call^ an eight Doller Piece or half Jo- 
hannes To lay up for him as he is Drawn & going in 
the Englifh army against the French. 



APPENDIX 311 

The 6th (Jay of the i i'i> month. Delivered to said 
John Mash Jun"" the Eighteen Dollers and piece of 
Gold above mentioned. 

The 14th of the 3^^ month Call^ march A: D: 1764: 
Covenanted & agree'^ With Jos"^ Davis of Hopking- 
ton to Labour for Seven Months to begin on y'^ 26th 
Ins* he to make up Lost days if any there should be 
and When s^ Term Shall be Compleat & ended I am 
to allow & Pay him as a Confideration therefor the 
Sum of Three Hundred & Sixty Pounds old Tenor or 
an equivalent in any other medium Current in the 
Colony of Rhode Ifland. 

8° Kingstown y« 24*^ of Sixth month A : D : 
1766 Then agree'd with Mary Chafe for one year 
from the date hereof at y« Value of 50/ old Tenor P'' 
Week for the Summer Seafon & forty for the Winter 
Seafon She is to Work at Houfewifery Spinning &c. 

1778 S° Kingstown &c. 
Jacob Barney Came to my Houfe the 19th of ye 5'*^ 
month & Went to work the Next day at Hatting 
(viz.t) on the 20*^ and is to Work four months @ 
Journy Work & he is to Teach my Son Tommy the 
Hatters Trade & alfo another Lad if I require it & 
Provide one and I am to Pay Him the Common 
journy man's Wages in the usual way (according to 
the No of Hatts he Shall make in s^ Term) by the 
Hatt & to find him his Board for his instruction of 
the Lad or Lads as afores'^. 



312 APPENDIX 

1778. S" KjNGSTON &c. lyth ^rd mo. 

Be it remembered that it is agreed betwen 
Thomas Hazard fon of Rob* And Sier Averit in 
manner following (Viz.) That the s<^ Sier Shall work 
at Hufbandry that is to Say at Howing Ploughing 
Walling Ditching Fencing Mowing Haying and milk- 
ing &<= For the full Term of Eight Months to begin on 
the 18* Instant, and to be compleat ended on the 
18^ of the eleventh month following & to make 
good to s<^ Hazard all lofl Time in Proportion of the 
Value of Labour at the seafon of y« year When it may 
be Loft either by Sicknefs or otherwife. And the 
said Hazard doth covenant & agree with s** Sier to 
Pay Him at the end & Expiration of Said Term & 
making up of lost Time The full sum of five Dollars 
pr month That is to say Forty Dollars For the Term 
of Eight months as aforesaid. The Value of which 
money is hereby agreed on between the Parties 
hereto to be detirmined & Settled at the Expiration 
of the Term afores^ by a Liquidation of the articles 
hereafter enumerated, (Viz.*) Pork at 3<^ | P" Pound, 
Beef at 3<^ Cheefe at five Pence P' Pound & Indian 
Corn at 3/ Shillings P"" Bufhel as Witnefs our Hands 
the day & year first abovewritten 

(Signed) Th° Hazard of Rob* 
Witnefs — Anstis Brown. Sier Averit. 

1 78 1 11*'^ month 27*'* day. 
Oliver Smith a Negro Boy came to my Houfe with 
his Miftrefs Elizabeth Smith, aged 8 years the 7*'' of 
the 8^ mot'i this Prefent year, who is to work for me 
for his Bringing up untill he may have an advanta- 
geous opportunity to go aprentice. 



APPENDIX 313 

1789 i8th day 4th month A. D. 1789. 
Agreed with Jack Sanford, a Black man, to Labour 
with me at Hufbandry & He is to milk through the 
Seafon & take care that all the Cows are well Milked 
for the full Term of Seven months from the Last day 
of the third month now last Past, & will be com- 
pleat & ended the last day of the Tenth month in 
this Present year & he is to make up all Lost Days, 
which He may Loofe through sicknefs or any other 
unavoidable Contingency. And I on my Part am to 
Pay or Cause to be Paid to him the Value of Three 
Dollars p'' month, in articles and Produce off the 
farm, at the Following rates (viz.^) Corn at ■^s. pr 
Bushel, Cheefe ^\ per pound & other articles at a 
proportionable Rate, in the old way & in Cloathing 
as may be agreed, if He needs any All which is 
to be Due & to be paid at the Expiration of said 
Term as Witnefs 

(Unsigned) 

{A small sheet not bound in the Account Book.) 

This may Certify that Thomas Hazard of So 
Kingstown in the County of Wafhington and State 
of Rhode Ifland yeoman hath let unto Thomas Gould 
(a black man) for the year eniewing a certain privi- 
ledg containing the lower rooms of the hous where 
said Gould lived last year except a priviledg in one 
half the seller and the priviledg of pafsing in at the 
door next the Rode to the firft stairs leading up into 
the Chambers in said hous Likewise one-Quarter of 
an Acre of ground for a garden, Being the same 
ground s^ Gould occupied for a Garden laft year, 
For which previledg said Thomas Gould agreeth to 



314 APPENDIX 

pay unto the said Thomas Hazard aforefaid two 
pounds Eight Shillings in Labour for the rent thereof 
one year, which is to commence on the 25th day of 
the third M" AD 1794 and to end on the 25*'* day of 
the third M" in the year AD 1795 

In prefence of his 

Job AVatson Jn^ as witnefs Thomas X Gould 

marke 



RECORD OF BIRTHS. 

Sarah Hazard Daughter of Tho? Hazard and Eliza- 
beth his Wife was born the 10'.'^ day of the month 
Called January (it being y^ i^.' day of y? week) old 
Stile in the Year of our Lord one Thoufand feven 
Hundred and forty Seven (1747) 

And Departed this Life the Twenty Sixth day of 
may on the Seventh day of the Week about Eleven 
o-Clock at night in the Year of our Lord one Thou- 
fand Seven Hundred and fifty Three New flile being 
five years four months and five days old. 

Robert Hazard fon of Tho? Hazard & Elizabeth his 
Wife Born the Seventeenth day of The Tenth month 
Called October about fifty minutes after one o:Clock 
in the morning in the year one Thoufand Seven Hun- 
dred fifty & Three 

Thomas Hazard fon of Thomas & Elizabeth his Wife 
Born the Thirteenth day (being y^ 5«'' day of y« Week 
about 9 'oClock morning) of the eleventh month Called 
November & in the j-ear of our Lord one Thoufand 
Seven hundred & fifty five and Departed this Life the 
fifteenth day of the Third Month in the year of our 



APPENDIX 315 

Lord one Thoufand Seven Hundred and fifty Six 
about 10 morning oClock y^ 2^ day of y? Week 

Thomas Hazard fon of Thomas & Elizabeth his 
Wife Born y? 15^.'' of y? ii*> mo Called november t^^^ 
of ye Week about Nine o'Clock in the Evening A: D: 
1758 being the 2^ fon of that Name 

Rowland Hazard fon of Tho? Hazard & Elizabeth 
his Wife Born the 4*^ day of the /\^> mo Call4 April 
being the Second Day of the Week about Ten o'Clock 
in the forenoon according to the World's Ace*, one 
Thousand feven Hundred and Sixty Three 

1781 Sarah Daughter to Tho? Hazard Jun'; & Anna 
his Wife & Grand Daughter to the aboves4 Thomas 
Hazard & Elizabeth his Wife was Born the 18* day 
of the 9**^ month about y? middle of the Day. 1781. 



A REGESTOR OF DEATH'S. 

My Father Rob*. Hazard Died y? 20*.^ of y! 5'> mo. 
1762 at about half after one in y? morning ; After an 
Illnefs of Ten Weeks & four days eleven Hours & an 
half which he bore with a becoming Patience Aged 
Seventy Three Years 

Tro Hazard fon of RobT deed 

My Grand Father Tho^ Hazard Departed this Life 
y! 2ist day of y? month Call<i November in the Year 
one Thoufand Seven Hundred & forty Six, aged 88 or 
89 years. This ace*, taken from a memorand. found 
amongfl my Fathers Papers after his Death. 

Tro- Hazard fon of RobT deed 



3l6 APPENDIX 

Brother Richard Hazard Departed this Life on 
y? ^o'.'' of y'= Ninth month CalH Septembr aged 31 
years 10 month & Ten days He died on y? 5'*> day 
of y« Week about 38 minuts after Four in y« afternoon 
after an Illness of Twenty days 1762 

WT* Robinfon fon of Rowl4 & Mary Robinfon died 
y^ ig*** day of the 7?° being y^ 5 day of y^ Week at 
near 12 at night 

Lathan Clarke son of Samuel & mary of Conanicut 
departed this Life the Seventh of y? fifth month 4''' 
day of y? Week about the dawning of the Day 1760 

Martha the Widow of s4 Latham & Daughter of 
William Robinfon by his firft Wife (Viz') Martha 
daughter of John & Sarah Potter departed this Life 
ye yth of ye gth month about 9 of y^ Clock in y« Even- 
ing 1760. 

Venibee departed this Life the 3"^^ of the i^' mo 
1759 

Dick drowned y? 22^ of y^ 4''' mo 1759 

1767 Sufannah Hazard Widow of Richard Hazard 
aboves"? & Daughter of George & Mary Hazard (of 
Bofton Neck in S° Kingstown late deceaP) departed 
this Life on the 28''' of y^ 4*^ mo. Call*^ april about 9 
oClock in y^: evening aged 

1 77 1 Stephen Champlin Departed this Life the 22 
of the 7th mo. Call'i july the first day of y? Week 
about Sun Sett. 



APPENDIX 317 

Mary Champlin Widow to the above s"?. Stephen 
departed this Life the 13*'* of the 3''^ month A. D 1773 
aged 

Sarah Hazard Widow of Robert Hazard late de- 
ceased, departed this Life the i^.' day of the 2^ month 
CalH February 1772 about half after Eight oClock in 
the evening being the 7* day of Week. Aged 77 
years the of the Eight month CalI4 Auguft 177 1. 

The 12* of the 7*'^ month Called July A. D: 1732 
Grand Father Richard Borden departed this Life. 

The above ace' of Grandfather Borden's Death 
was taken from an ace'. Left by Father Hazard & 
found on a loofe Paper amongst his Papers after his 
Death 

Tho Hazard of RobT 



INDEX. 



Act of 1729, regulating Eman- 
cipation, 45. 
Allen, Mathew, 164. 
Anabaptists, 25. 
Apprenticeship, 167. 
Arnold, Thomas, 187. 
Assembly, General, 1672, 8. 
Atherton Company, the, 5, 6. 
Austin, Jeremiah, I2i, 166. 
Averit, Sier, 114. 

Babcock, Abijah, 123. 

Barclay's Apology, 192. 

Barney, Jacob, 122. 

Beef, 78. 

Benson, Gabriel, 25, 136. 

Bent, Sarah, 129. 

Berkeley, his visit to Newport, 

25- 
Berkeley on slavery, 46. 
Books as plunder of war, 201. 
Borden, Sarah, 33. 
Boston Neck, purchases in, 20. 
Brags, Nicholas, 104. 
Brenton, Jaleel, 83. 
Brinley, Francis, 20. 
Brinley, Dame Deborah, 20. 
Brown, Moses, 180, 187, 199, 

205. 
Brown, Thomas, 36. 
Browne, William, 35. 
Bull house, destruction of, 11. 
Bull, Isaac, 37. 
Jireh, 9. 
Patience, 34. 
Burnyeate, John, 10. 
Burrill, James, 188. 

Caliminco, loi. 
Canonicus, no. 



Carpenter, James, 97, 104. 
Carts, let, 71. 
Cartwright, John, 10. 
Cattle distrained, 157. 
Champlin, Stephen, 36, 124, 136. 

Mary, 126. 

Robert, 126. 

Susey, 210. 
Chase, Mary, 131. 
Cheese, 78. 
Chocolate, 67. 

Clapp, President of New Ha- 
ven College, ;^2- 
Clarke, John, 13. 

Latham, 58, 138. 

Martha, 138. 
Coddington, William, 13. 

Colonel, 137. 
Coins, 148. 

Cooke, Governor, 152. 
College, New Haven, 22- 
College Tom. See Thomas 

Hazard, son of Robert. 
Collins, Amos, 175. 

John, 205. 

Joseph, 116. 

Hezekiah, 177. 
Committee on Manumission, 

177. 
Committee on Rathburn case, 

174. 
Congdon, Ephraim, 176. 

Joseph, 81, 165, igr, 192, 
196, 200. 

Joseph, Jr., 68. 

Samuel, 209. 
Connecticut boy, 43. 
County pay, 19. 
Court of General Assembly in 
Narragansett, 9. 



320 



INDEX 



Corn, 109. 

Corn, price fixed for it, 113. 
Crandall, Anstress, 104. 
Grossman, Sarah, tailoress, 131. 
Culverwell, Thomas, lOi. 
Currency, Friends advised 
against it, 202. 

Dag-locks, 94. 

Dancing, 160. 

Dick, Mary, 130. 

Dockray, John, takes cheese, 

80. 
Dorothy's Hollow, 92. 
Dougglass, Joanaa, 130. 
Drinker, Mrs. Elizabeth, 182. 
Duroy, 97. 
Dye, Michael, 121. 

John, 123. 
Dyre, William, 13. 

Easton, John, 36. 

Nicholas, Governor, 9. 

Nicholas, 140. 
Education, 198. 
Edwards, Jonathan, 188 
England, sports of, 28. 

Fayerweather, Rev. Mr., 49, 

99. 
Fenner, Arthur, 187. 
Ferry to Newport, 76. 
Fight, Great Swamp, 11. 
Finances, 154. 
Flax, 104. 
Fox, George, 9. 
Fox, George, the meeting, 24, 

49, 159; his Journal, 192. 
Friends clear of slavery, 176. 
Friends' School, 200. 
Friends' sufferings, 201. 

Gardner, Anstis, 36, 138. 

Henry, 83. 

John, 76. 

William, 139. 
General Assembly, 1672, 8. 
Gorton, Samuel, 7. 

Samuel, in Aquidneck, 13. 
Gould, Adam, 115. 

John, 104. 



Great Swamp fight, 11. 
Greek Testament, 35. 
Green, Paul, 74. 
Greene, Richard W^ard, i88. 
Greenman, Hannah, 96, 104. 
Griswold, Matthew, 179. 

Handkerchiefs, 105. 
Handson, John, 37. 
Hamond, Joseph, Jr.. 36. 
Hammond's Mill, 116. 
Hafsard, 35. 
Hassard, Esther, 36. 
Hassard, Robert, 35. 
Haszard, Susannah, 22. 

Hazard, variety m spelling the 
name, 22. 
Abigail, 37. 
Bedford Tom, 40. 
Caleb, 163. 
Elizabeth, 141. 
Enoch, 145. 
Colonel George, 14, 22, 

lOI. 

George, 150. 

Hannah, 13. 

Isaac Peace, 39, 42, 50. 

Jeffrey, 120. 

Stout Jeffrey, 88- 

Jeremiah, 22. 

Jonathan, 22, 52. 

Jonathan, son of Jonathan, 

'53- 
Jonathan of Newport, 81. 
Mary, daughter of Robert, 

3-- 
Mary Peace, letter from, 

214. 

Richard, death of, 53, 144, 
166. 

Robert, of Enniskillen, 12. 

Robert, 12; deed of gift, 
21. 

Robert, of Boston Neck, 
30 ; deputy from South 
Kingstown, 31 ; his will, 
31 ; makes a deed of gift, 
39; not a Quaker, 59; 
deed of gift, 50 ; Will of 
1745, 51 ; his last will, 51 ; 



INDEX 



321 



death of, 51 ; in ministe- 
rial suit, 84 ; provisions 
of his will, 124. 
Robert, Dr., 36. 
Robert, Governor, 36. 
Robert, son of Richard, 

144. 
Robert, son of Thomas, 39, 

210. 
Rowland, son of Thomas, 

40, 87, 132, 141, 211. 
Rowland, son of Rowland, 

89. 
Stephen, 144. 
Sarah, 89, 90. 
Sarah, 210. 
Susey, 210. 
Thomas, 12. 
Thomas, his will, 23. 
Thomas, of Boston Neck, 

15-22. 
Thomas, record of his 

death, 24. 
Colonel Thomas, 45. 
Thomas, of Newport, 59. 
Thomas, Jr., 210. 
Thomas, Jr., 132. 
Thomas, son of Benjamin 

(Nailer Tom), 69, 135. 
Thomas R., 12 , 212. 
Hazard, Thomas, son of Robert, 
his marriage, 37 ; his door- 
steps, 39; awakened to the 
evils of slavery, 42 ; his edu- 
cation, 48 ; his father's will 
destroyed, 51; executor, 52; 
his account book, 56; joint 
heirs in Susquehannah Co., 
144; first service to the meet- 
ing, 164; on committee to 
correspond with London 
Friends, 178 ; on committee 
to petition Legislature, 180; 
on committee to draw consti- 
tution for Abolition Society, 
187 ; on committee to take 
deed of old meeting-house, 
191 ; on committee to define 
duties of overseers, 191 ; 
clerk of the meeting, 194; 
his handwriting, 200; signs 



address to Generals Wash- 
ington and Howe, 205 ; ap- 
pointed to encourage Friends 
in the trials of war, 208 ; his 
death, 215. 
Hefernan, William, 9. 
Helme, James, storekeeper, 21- 
58 ; purchases at, 131. 
Judge, 137. 
Powel, 67-72. 
Helmes, the family, 137 
Herd's-grass seed, 77. 
Hetchel, 68. 
Hill, Henry, 119. 
Hopkins, Stephen, 180. 

Samuel, 188. 
Horseshoes, 68. 

Hospital in the old meeting- 
house, 2o6- 
Howe, General, 205. 
Huguenot refugees, 25. 
Hull, John, 6, 

Dame Judith, 20. 
Joseph, blacksmith, 67. 
Hutchinson, Mrs., 7. 

Independents, 25. 
Inflated currency, 147. 
Irejsh, George, 63. 

Jakeways, Lowes, 128, 132. 
Jefferson, Thomas, 185. 
Jeffreys, Mr., 13. 
Jesse, Joseph, 98. 
Johnson, Augustus, 139. 
Jonnycake, iii. 

Kings County, 44. 
Kings Province, The, 8. 
Kingstown incorporated, II. 
Knowles, Daniel, 97. 

John, 176. 

William, 155. 

Lawton, Isaac, 178. 

Lease of land, 19. 

Linen, 97. 

Little Neck beach, 64. 

Little, William, shoemaker, 

74- 
Lyman, Daniel, 188. 



322 



INDEX 



Martin, Albert, 97. 
Mash, John, 58. 

Manumission, Committee on, 
177. 
papers, 177. 
Griswoldon, 179. 
Matunuc, 29. 

McSparran, Dr. James, on 
boundaries, 4 ; on his field of 
labor, 24 ; on Dr. Clapp, 32 ; 
services for slaves, 47 ; on 
various sects, 49 ; on slavery, 
53 ; ministerial lawsuit, 85 ; 
on the products of Narra- 
gansett, 93. 
Meeting, George Fox's, 10. 
Meeting-house, wedding in, 30. 
used as hospital, 207. 
burned, 211. 
Milk, 78. 

Ministerial Farm, 34, 72. 
Money, paper, 145. 
Monthly meeting records, 159. 
Mott, Jacob, Jr., 178. 
Mumford, George, 84. 
Lucy, 37. 
Stephen, 30. 
Mutton, 94. 

Nailer Tom. See Thomas Haz- 
ard, son of Benjamin. 
Narragansett, its area, 3. 

Gov. Winthrop's descrip- 
tion of, 3. 

Country writers on, 27. 
Narragansett pacers, 64. 
New Light Meeting, 128. 
Nichols, Andrew, 72, 105-107. 

Eunice, 105. 

John, 150. 

Martha, 130. 
Niles, Rev. Samuel, 83. 
Nine - partners' monthly meet- 
ing, 194. 

Oatley, Benedict, 98-103. 
Oats, 117. 
Oldham, John, no. 
Old Tenor bills, 60-147. 
Oxen, 71. 
Ozenbridges, 107. 



Paper money, 145. 

Tapers of Thomas Hazard, 40. 

Pawcatuck River, 4. 

Peace Dale, Site of, 15. 

Peckham, Peleg, 89, 148, 162, 
191, 198, 200. 

Pemberton, John, letter from, 
182. 

Pepper-corn as rent, 121. 

Pequot trail, 18. 

Pettaquamscut purchase, 5-8. 

Philip's, King, War, 10. 

Phillis, 80. 

Pint Judy pint, 19. 

Point Juda or Judah, 20. 

Pollock, Willson, 158. 

Potter, Henry, 155. 
Colonel John, 73. 
William, 36. 

Powell, Esther, 136. 

Priamus, 118-182. 

Providence Society for abolish- 
ing the slave trade, 187. 

Pugh, Sarah, 131. 

Quakers, 25. 

Wedding of Thomas Haz- 
ard, 35. 

in Rhode Island, 49. 

not Christian people, 43. 
Quebeck, letter from, 145. 

Rate bills, 156. 
Rathbun slave case, 170. 
Rathbun, Joshua, 171. 

Joshua, 3d, 172. 
Redwood, Mehitable, 69. 

William, 196. 
Reed, Martin, 98, 103. 
Regulars on Point Judith, 209. 
Rhode Island, a Connecticut 
description of, 6. 

boy, 43- 

paper money, 60. 

College, 200. 
Richards, David, 139. 
Richmond, 176. 
Ridge, Valentine, 95. 
Robinson, Elizabeth, 30; mar- 
ried, 35. 

Hannah, 36, 87. 



INDEX 



323 



Robinson, Matthew, 139. 
Mrs. William, 139. 
William, 35; letter from, 

38. 
William, 140. 
William, son of William, 

161. 
Rowland, 36-45; ^'^^^ 

cheese, 80 ; his conduct 

to his daughter, 87; a 

deputy, 152. 
Thomas, of Newport, 81, 

188. 
Rodes, James, 73. 
Rodman, Anna, 210. 
Benjamin, 37. 
Benny, 116. 
Benjamin, 191. 
Samuel, 37. 
Thomas, 164, 
Thomas, Jr., 37. 
William, 37. 
Rotch, William, 188. 
Rye, 117. 

Saddler, 73. 

Sandford, Jack, 119. 

School, 130. 

Segar, John 155. 

Sewall, Samuel, 15; deeds, 16; 
the witch judge, 17 ; on sla- 
very, 18 ; the school and Har- 
vard foundation, 18. 

Hannah, 15; her dowry, 

17- 
Sewel's History, 193. 
Shearman, Eber, 97. 

Daniel, 15, 18. 

Hannah, 37. 
Sheep-folds, 72. 
Sheep, 94- 

Sheriff e, Martha, 13. 
Shoes, 75. 

Silver, price of in 1738, 21. 
Slave code in Rhode Island, 

166. 
Slaves, 28. 
Slave trade, 25. 

Slavery abolished among 
Friends, 176. 



Slavery act of 1774, 181. 
the abolition act, 185. 
act of 1787, 186. 
Society for the propagation 
of the gospel on slavery, 

47- 
Spanish milled dollar, 61. 

Steere, Thomas, 196. 
Stockings, 105. 
Sufferings from war, 204. 
Sugar Loaf Hill, 5. 
Sugar paid for a horse, 65. 
Sullivan, Judge, 188. 
Smith, Dr., 99. - 

Elizabeth, 118. 

Richard, testimony against 
slavery, 169. 

Tanning, 73. 
Tea, 65. 

Temperance, 195. 
Test Act, 202. 
Torrey, Cuff, 54. 
Torrey, Dr. Joseph, witness to 
will of Robert Hazard, 
51,72,82,137. 

John, 75, 86, 95. 

Mrs., 138. 
"Trash," 155. 

Vail, Samuel, 20. 
Venibee, 132. 

Walley, John, 16. 
Wanton, Joseph, 178. 

Philip, 178- 

William, 178. 
Washington County, 44. 
Washington, General, 152, 205. 
Watson, Job, 90, 126. 

Sarah, 126. 

Jeffrey, 149. 
Wilbour, Thomas, 191. 
Wilkinson, Jemima, 100, 213. 
Will of Robert Hazard, 51. 
Will, Samson, 58. 
Williams, Roger, 2 ; enters 
the Narragansett country, 
4; the Rhode Island spir- 
it, 7. 



324 



INDEX 



Willson, Elizabeth, 82. 

Jeremiah, note from, 66. 

Samuel, 9, 66. 
Winthrop, Governor, 3. 

the younger, 6. 



Women's meeting, 194. 
Woolman, 165, 168. 
Worsted, 97. 

Yearly-meeting school, 199. 



'ii'iiiw 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



0014 111 1644 ^ 



